Robert M. Stevenson (1999)
COLONIAL SPANISH AMERICAN MUSIC consists of several different strands: European music of the Renaissance and Baroque periods; autochthonous music persisting from pre-Conquest times; African music transported chiefly from the sub-Saharan Atlantic coastal regions; and, of course, mixtures of all three—European, Indian, and African.
As early as the 1550s, only half a century after the arrival of the Europeans, Latin America displayed the musical diversity which was to be characteristic of the entire colonial period. Juan Pérez Materano, the dean of Cartagena Cathedral and resident in Cartagena since 1537, was putting the final touches to a treatise on music that discussed both polyphony and plainsong. His royal printing license, issued at Valladolid on 19 December 1559, permitted him to publish it anywhere in the Americas with copyright privilege lasting ten years (Stevenson 1970a: 98).
In Mexico City the 1550s witnessed a dramatic revival of Aztec cult songs (xochicuicatl). The 91 “flower songs” in a contemporary Nahuatl manuscript now known as Cantares mexicanos (first published in facsimile by Antonio Peñafiel in 1904) contain evocations of slain warrior ancestors dated 1551, 1553, and later. Although lacking melodies in five-line European notation, the cantares nonetheless include musical rubrics ranging from the 17-syllable drum-beat pattern for strophes 49–54, to the 22-syllable pattern for strophes 55–60 of Song XLV. To show the variety of the drum-beat patterns required in these cantares, Karl A. Nowotny tabulated 758 different patterns, the most complex belonging to the latest songs (Nowotny 1956: 186). The number of huehuetls (upright membranophones, struck with bare hands) needed to accompany any given song in the collection ranges from one to ten. Since any single huehuetl produced two sounds a fifth apart, the ten huehuetls that accompanied Song XLV gave a rich accompaniment indeed. There are 60 strophes in this tombeau commemorating don Hernando de Guzmán, the renowned Indian manuscript illuminator who, in 1569, inherited the lordship of Coyoacán (Chimalpahin Cuauhtlehuanitzin, Siméon’s 1889 translation: 210). The cacique don Francisco Plácido, who in 1563 governed the Otomí town of Xiquipilco, wrote three cantares dated 1551, 1553, and 1564. An alumnus of the Tlatelolco college for noble Indian youth, he gave the following musical instructions for the accompaniment of Song XLV: “The huehuetl is played in the following fashion: first, a peal that dies away; then another peal doing the same; then three drum-strokes. Next comes a roll near the center of the drumhead [sounding a fifth lower than the previous drum-strokes]. This breaks off, whereupon the pattern resumes—beginning with the single stroke at the rim of the huehuetl” (Nahuatl text in Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, 1968b: 47–48).
Augustinian missionaries sponsored the publication in Mexico City of the first music book printed in the New World. Their 80-page Ordinarium (1556), prefaced by a title-page compartment showing a nude Adam and Eve facing each other, contains chants for Kyries, Glorias, Sanctuses, and Agnuses (but no Credos), together with formulae for intoning the gospels and for the Ite missa est. Prepared with extreme care by Diego de Vertauillo, Augustinian Provincial in Mexico from 1554 to 1557, and printed by Juan Pablos (= Giovanni Paoli), this Ordinarium was applauded not only in New Spain but also in the Iberian Peninsula and in Peru. So great was its success that a reprint was issued in 1571 by the pioneer printer at Madrid, Pierres Cosin. Destined for use at Indian mission stations allotted to the Augustinians, the Ordinarium included none but ancient chants originating (according to Solesmes research) before 1200.
In a revealing letter dated 15 May 1556 to the Council of the Indies at Madrid, Archbishop of Mexico Alonso de Montúfar commented at length on music activity in the Mexico City Augustinian monastery during the very year that the Ordinarium was published. In that one locale alone the archbishop had encountered 120 Indian singers, over and above the Indians who served as sacristans and acolytes. The instrumentalists played shawms, sackbuts, trumpets, orlos (crumhorns), dulcians, and cornetts. The Augustinians in that one house alone enjoyed a larger income than the Spaniards in Mexico City contributed that year in tithes [a 10% contribution of income to the Church] (Colección de Documentos Inéditos de Indias 1865: IV, 521).
Taking their cue from the 1556 Ordinarium, the Dominicans seven years later issued a Psalterium Chorale. Originally to have been printed by Juan Pablos but completed, after his death in August 1560, by his widow and Pedro de Ocharte of Rouen (1563), this Psalterium accords with a Dominican-sponsored book published at Venice in 1523 by Petrus Leichtenstein. Franciscan and Augustinian monasteries in Mexico City commissioned the Missale Romanum Ordinarium (Antonio de Espinosa, 1560), called “the most splendid product of the Mexican press” (Green 1899: 20) during a century that saw publication of more than 220 books, fourteen of which (no mean percentage) were music books.
Among all these 16th-century music imprints sponsored by specific religious orders, none was more luxurious than the 300-folio Psalterium An[t]iphonarium Sanctorale (1584), sponsored by the recently arrived Jesuits, of which there is a copy at the University of Texas, Austin (call number GZZqlc95). Ten melodies among the antiphons scattered throughout the Psalterium differ so radically from any European settings of the same texts that they may have been composed by the presumed editor, Juan de Tovar (1541–1626), born at Texcoco, a Jesuit after 1573, and the first native Mexican to write an Arte de música (ready for the press in 1602).
What had stimulated Archbishop Montúfar’s recital of conditions in the flagship Augustinian house in 1556 was not so much the number of Indian singers as it was the excess of native and European instruments that accompanied the daily singing of Hours and Mass. In a carryover from Aztec custom, Indian church musicians enjoyed exemption from tribute payments (Ternaux-Compans 1840: XVI, 218–19). The excess of both musicians and musical instruments of all types provoked the First Mexican Church Council of 1555 to pass an ordinance forbidding their further multiplication (Mexico City Archdiocese 1556: folio xxxiii, cap. 66). Printed in 1556, the statute of this council curbing musical excesses received royal reinforcement in a cedula of February 1561 ordering an abatement of “trumpets, clarions, chirimías, sackbuts, flutes, cornetts, dulzainas, fifes, viols, rebecs, and other kinds of instruments, an inordinate variety of which is now in use in the monasteries.”
As an instance of the more decorous music heard on such an occasion as Charles V’s funeral commemoration held on 30 November and 1 December 1559 in the Mexico City church of San José, Francisco Cervantes de Salazar’s Túmulo imperial (1560) tells of a procession over two hours long attended by Indian governors of Mexico, Tacuba, Texcoco and Tlaxcala, accompanied by chieftains from 200 villages, and the Spanish archbishop, the bishops of Michoacán and Nueva Galicia, the heads of the three mendicant orders, and 400 priests. Once inside the spacious church, they heard vigil music led by the youthful maestro de capilla of Mexico City Cathedral, Lázaro del Álamo (b. El Espinar, near Segovia, ca. 1530; d. Mexico City, 19 May 1570).
Each Spanish American cathedral employed a maestro de capilla (chapelmaster or music director), competitively chosen, whose duties included composing as well as teaching and conducting; an organist similarly chosen; a cadre of paid adult singers and instrumentalists; and a group of six to a dozen choirboys and altar boys who received free instruction in music and grammar, plus token salaries.
Álamo’s choices for Charles V’s funeral commemoration included the invitatory Circumdederunt me, the psalm Exultemus, and the motet Parce mihi by the world-renowned Spanish composer Cristóbal de Morales (ca. 1500–1553), generally regarded as the best of the century. Álamo also directed his own compositions during the ceremony. His alternate-verse setting of Domine ne in furore enlisted the cathedral choirboys for the odd-verse polyphony.
Cervantes de Salazar, author of the Túmulo imperial (1560), first professor of rhetoric in the newly founded (1553) University of Mexico, was particularly well qualified to discuss the musical aspects of the pageant commemorating Charles V. Born at Toledo and a professor at the University of Osuna before emigrating to Mexico, he had—while at Osuna—enjoyed the friendship of so eminent an authority as the music theorist, Juan Bermudo, who held him in high enough esteem to ask that he write the introduction to his 1550 music manual, El arte Tripharia. Correspondence between the two had evidently continued after Cervantes de Salazar reached Mexico. Because of the latter’s suggestion, Bermudo had added a section containing his original organ pieces in the second (1555) edition of his Declaración de instrumentos musicales, intended for performance in Spanish America. Later royal deaths were always commemorated with ceremonials on a grandiose scale, but none was better reported than by Cervantes de Salazar.
In the Viceroyalty of Peru (1542–1824), an inventory of Cusco Cathedral taken on 21 February 1553 itemized both stout volumes of las misas de Xpoval [sic for Cristóbal] de Morales published in Rome by the Dorico brothers in 1544, along with a half-dozen other polyphonic books [Cusco Cathedral, Libro de auctos capitulares 1549–1556, folio 44, quoted in Stevenson 1980a: 2). One at least of the two organs stationed aloft on opposite sides of the choir enclosure was made at Seville in 1549. So far as locally composed music was concerned, the cathedral maestro de capilla Juan de Fuentes set a notable precedent at Corpus Christi in 1551. Dressing up eight mestizo boys in Inca costume (not six, as was the conventional number of choirboys in a Spanish cathedral, but eight in deference to Inca numerology), Fuentes had them sing an Inca haylli. At refrains, the Spanish-born adult chorister sang part-music, to Garcilaso de la Vega’s delight (as he recalled in his Commentarios reales of 1609, folio 101v, column 2). And not only to Garcilaso’s delight, fortunately. So great was the success of Fuentes’ mixing of Inca and Spanish music that the Cusco Cathedral chapter decided on 18 July 1552 to hire henceforth a full complement of choirboys, each earning an annual salary of 50 pesos.
Hernando Franco (1532–1585), Guatemala Cathedral maestro (1570–74) and Mexico City Cathedral maestro (1575–85), together with Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo (ca. 1553–1623), Bogotá Cathedral maestro (1584–86) and later maestro at Quito, Cusco, and La Plata (present-day Sucre, Bolivia, where he died), were responsible for the earliest extant Latin polyphony composed in the New World. Antedating anything in a vernacular language, their Magnificats and Salves compare favorably with the finest settings of the Song of Mary (Magnificat) and of the Marian antiphon (Salve Regina) composed around 1580 by leading Peninsular composers such as Juan Navarro, Bernardino de Rivera, and Rodrigo de Ceballos. Hernando or Fernando Franco, born in 1532 at Galizuela in Extremadura, began his musical career as a choirboy at the age of ten in Segovia Cathedral. During his seven years there (1542–1549), both he and his close companion Lázaro del Álamo studied with the Segovia Cathedral maestros Gerónimo de Espinar (later the teacher of Tomás Luis de Victoria) and Bartolomé de Olaso. The Salamanca University doctor of canon law who at 28 became a professor at the University of Mexico, Mateo Arévalo Sedeño (1526–ca. 1584), brought both Lázaro del Álamo and Hernando Franco to the New World. After a probationary year Álamo became Mexico City’s maestro on 2 January 1556. Franco, after five years as Guatemala Cathedral maestro, succeeded the prematurely deceased Álamo on 20 May 1575. The short interim between Álamo and Franco was filled by Juan de Vitoria, a native of Burgos, who composed music for the earliest extant New World theater pieces, staged on 5 and 8 December 1584—with choirboys (Spell 1946: 310–11).
Archbishop Pedro Moya de Contreras, who much preferred Franco to the fidgety Vitoria, recommended him to the crown on 30 October 1580 as maestro of exemplary character and high intellect, able to “compete advantageously with any maestro in Spain. Moreover, he has placed the musical forces of the cathedral in excellent order” (Paso y Troncoso 1940: XII, 58–59, quoted in Stevenson 1979b: 154). Although not pretending to the ability to assess Franco’s contrapuntal technique, Moya de Contreras could well have added that Franco’s compositions showed complete mastery of all the best polyphonic procedures of the period. With manuscript compositions nowadays scattered from Guatemala City to Chicago (Newberry Library), and from Puebla to Durango in Mexico, he enjoys greatest fame for his Magnificats in the eight church tones—a copy of which on parchment was presented to Mexico City Cathedral on 5 July 1611 by his admiring successor, Juan Hernández.
This 1611 manuscript, transferred from Mexico City Cathedral to the viceroyal museum at Tepotzotlan, served Steven Barwick for his transcription of the fourteen Magnificats in all tones except Tone III (the corresponding leaves are torn out of the manuscript), which he published in The Franco Codex (1965). Of no less supreme musical stature than his Magnificats are Franco’s five exquisite Salve Reginas in Guatemala Cathedral Choirbook IV. Transcribed by Robert J. Snow, in his magisterial A New-World Collection of Polyphony for Holy Week and the Salve Service (1996, items 31, 33, 35, 37, and 42), these Salves also enter Puebla Cathedral Choirbook I (folios 10v–14, 38v–42, and 24v–29). From the Puebla sources Steven Barwick pioneered in transcribing them for inclusion in his Harvard Ph.D. dissertation, “Sacred Vocal Polyphony in Early Colonial Mexico” (1949). All five are alternate-verse settings, the plainchant conforming with the Sevillian version published in Luis de Villafranca’s Breve instrucción de canto llano (1565). To vary texture, Franco’s Guatemala item 37 employs voices exploring only the two-octave range upward from the D below middle C. The five-voice item 42 preceded all others among Franco’s Salves in being recorded by the Westminster Cathedral Choir at London, James O’Donnell, director, in Masterpieces of Mexican Polyphony (1990).
Franco’s published repertoire grew even larger when Juan Manuel Lara Cárdenas edited his first volume of Franco’s Obras (Tesoro de la música polifónica de México, IX, 1997). Having in 1990 happened upon a previously uncatalogued Mexico City Cathedral choirbook, Lara Cárdenas extracted from it three short masses (Gloria and Credo not included), the first two for vocal quartet, the third for use in Advent and Lent, in a five-voice setting. Every movement in all three masses is based on chants (Kyrie, Sanctus, and Agnus movements).
Lara Cárdenas’s volume contains also Franco’s chant-based Maundy Thursday Lamentation (Aleph quomodo, Beth plorans, Ghimel migravit, Hierusalem), his Vexilla Regis hymn, and other Holy Week music. With works dispersed at Newberry Library, Chicago, in the so-called Códice del Carmen, Durango, at Mexico City, and at Guatemala, Mexico City, and Puebla cathedrals, Franco now emerges as a supreme champion of chant whose entire career glorified the repertoire confided to Mexico City’s 16th-century plainchant imprints. In 1572 Pedro de Ocharte published one-hundred copies of a now lost book of passions. Who composed these cannot be now known, but in 1604 the Franciscan Juan Navarro, born at Cádiz, published his own plainchant melodies in Quatuor passiones (Mexico City: Diego López Dávalos, 1604), a volume like all other Mexican plainchant publications intended for use in Indian mission churches under mendicant supervision.
Did Hernando Franco, Mexico City chapelmaster, compose two chanzonetas with Nahuatl text in honor of the Blessed Virgin? The second of these, copied at the end of a 139-folio manuscript owned formerly by the now deceased Canon Octaviano Valdés of Mexico City Cathedral, bears the heading at the top of folio 122: “herna don franco A 50 voces.” Solecism in musical grammar, such as recurrent parallel fifths between outer voices, make it unlikely that so expert and fastidious a composer as the chapelmaster composed these unique chanzonetas with Nahuatl text. With more likelihood a cacique among the many indigenous composers, wrote it. His name with “don” before “franco” (= Francisco) precludes the chapelmaster—only caciques and highest level aristocrats could boast the honorific “don” in Mexico before 1650 (Fig. 1 and Fig. 2).
Fig. 1: Mexico City, Codex Valdés, folios 121v–122, five voice Marian chanzoneta with Nahuatl text beginning Sancta Maria yn ilhuicac (Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas, 1970b: 131–32, 144; transcription in Stevenson 1968b: 208–11).
Fig. 2: Mexico City, Codex Valdés, folios 122v–123, four-voice devotional chanzoneta with Nahuatl text beginning Dios itlaço nantzine (Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas, 1968b: 131–32, 144; transcription in Stevenson 1968b: 211–19.
Just as Franco was the dominant Renaissance composer in North America, so Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo was the leading figure in South America. He spent 36 years in four Andean capitals. Maestro at Bogotá from May 1584 to January 1586, he served also as rector of the newly founded diocesan seminary during his last months there. So excessive did students find his musical demands, however, that they fled at the beginning of 1586. Disgusted by this “student strike,” he left Bogotá soon after, but memories of his musical genius persisted until the middle of the next century. From Bogotá he moved first to Quito (12 January 1588 to 6 February 1590), then Cusco (13 July 1591 to early 1597), and finally to La Plata Cathedral (present-day Sucre, Bolivia) (6 May 1597 to 13 June 1620). In each cathedral he combined the roles of choral and instrumental director, choirboy and musical coach to the adult clergy, with that of composer of Latin liturgical music and festive villancicos using vernacular texts. His instrumentalists were usually Indians or mestizos playing winds or brass. His singers ranged from costly, vain castrati to staid Spanish clergy. He composed his festival music setting vernacular texts for Christmas, Corpus Christi, and Marian calendar events.
Hoping to have his collected works published in France or Spain, Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo signed a contract 22 January 1607 with Diego de Torres, the Jesuit Provincial of Paraguay (Bolivia Archivo Nacional, Escrituras públicas, tomo 12, Núñez 1607, fol. 736, quoted in Stevenson 1960: 182–83). Under the terms of the contract he entrusted the Provincial with five volumes, one each of (1) Masses, (2) Magnificats, (3) Hymns (en fabordón), (4) Holy Week Office-music, and (5) motets. To pay for the printing, Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo promised within a half-year to forward through Antonio de Vega, commissary of the Inquisition at nearby Potosí, the large sum of 1,500 pesos (equal to his salary as chapelmaster at La Plata/Sucre Cathedral for five years). For this amount he hoped to obtain 50 printed copies of each of the five volumes, or 250 printed books in all. To recompense him for his trouble, he offered Father Torres several gift-copies of each volume. He wished two of each to be given to his dearly beloved Cusco Cathedral, another two of each to the famous Encarnación convent at Lima; and one of each to Quito and Bogotá cathedrals. Only Bogotá among these various designated places now retains any of his compositions, and they are all in manuscript. The 204-page choirbook (hereafter referred to as GFHCB = Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo Choirbook Bogotá) contains his eight odd-verse Magnificats a 4 in the eight tones plus an incomplete Magnificat a 4 for tiples in tone III; nine Vespers psalms; and two Salve Reginas. One of the Salve Reginas, a 4 (GFHCB 118–121), for a long time was wrongly attributed to the Sevillian Francisco Guerrero (1528–1599); the other was a 5 (GFHCB 102–105) (Ex. 1). The first two verses of the Salve Regina a 5 (Vita dulcedo and Ad te suspiramos) join with two further verses (Et Jesum and O clemens) of a Salve a 6 by a famous contemporary, Tomás Luis de Victoria (1548–1611), to make a complete work (Ex. 1, Recorded Ex. 1).
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Ex. 1: Salve Regina a 5 in the extant 204-page Bogotá Cathedral Choirbook. The polyphonic setting of the first two verses (Vita dulcedo and Ad te suspiramos) of the Marian antiphon are by Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo, transcription by Robert Stevenson (1985b: 39-42); the two further verses (Et Jesum and O clemens) are the tertia and quarta partes of the six-voice Salve by Tomás Luis de Victoria published in 1572 (see Felipe Pedrell’s Opera omnia, VIII: 116–19) (Stevenson 1970b: 14). Recorded Ex. 1.
Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo’s Magnificat quarti toni (GFHCB 158–165), recorded in the album Salve Regina (1966), was published in Inter-American Music Review, 7/1 (1985b: 31–38); Fernández Hidalgo’s other published works—the tone III psalm Laetatus sum in his, and Salve Regina a 5 (Ex. 1), both recorded by the Roger Wagner Chorale in albums issued by Eldorado in 1975 and 1977—were also included in the same (1985b) Inter-American Music Review issue.
Franco and Fernández Hidalgo were both born in the Iberian peninsula. Two other outstanding 16th-century maestros—Gonzalo García Zorro (1548–1617) and Diego Lobato de Sosa—were American-born mestizos born of Spanish fathers and noble Indian mothers. Son of a captain and a Chibcha princess, García Zorro preceded and followed Fernández Hidalgo as Bogotá Cathedral’s maestro de capilla. In an extensive report on García Zorro’s musical ability one witness, Juan Pacheco, a resident of Bogotá who had studied music with him for three years, described him as a bass singer, a harsh disciplinarian who taught nothing without blows, and an unskillful contrapuntist (Seville, Archivo General de Indias, Santafé 226, 2/8: folios 65v–66 and 93v–94). Although not flattering to the musicianship of García Zorro (who later rose to cathedral canon), the statements that “any worthy chapelmaster should know counterpoint and polyphonic composition, ought to conduct competently at the choirbook stand, and must be able to spot and correct any flaws in each singer’s performance,” give some idea of the technical competence expected of an Andean cathedral maestro in the 1580s—wherever born and trained. One critic complained that “without inordinate practice, [García Zorro] cannot sing madrigals, villanescas, nor anything involving the major prolation.” Such an expectation itself gives some idea of the repertoire and sight-singing skills deemed prerequisite for “the post of chapelmaster in a metropolitan cathedral such as ours” (Seville, Archivo General de Indias, Santafé 226, 2/8: folios 65v–66 and 93v–94).
Diego Lobato de Sosa, the son of a ñusta of Cusco who had been one of Atahualpa’s wives and a Spanish captain killed at the battle of Iñaquito on 18 January 1546, received his professional training at the Colegio de San Andrés in Quito. His music teachers included the two Flemish Franciscans, Josse (Jodoco) de Rycke of Malines and Pierre Gosseal of Louvain, both of whom arrived in 1534 and founded the Franciscan convento in Quito in 1535. After 22 years, Fray Josse wrote a (frequently cited) letter dated 12 January 1556, commending his Indian pupils for “easily learning to read, write, and play any instrument.” As his instrument, Diego Lobato chose the organ—which he mastered sufficiently well to be appointed organist of Quito Cathedral in 1563. In 1564 Lorenzo de Cepeda, Saint Teresa of Ávila’s brother, who had migrated to Quito, paid 234 pesos to help defray the cost of cathedral organs being installed by Pedro de Ruanes (Stevenson 1963: 249, quoting Quito Cathedral, Libro del Cabildo desta Santa Iglesia … de 1562 a 1583, folio 46v, 12 September 1564). Cepeda also donated a large cathedral bell, which was in use until it broke on 14 November 1676.
Between 22 March and 19 June 1566 the newly arrived Dominican bishop, Pedro de la Peña, ordained Lobato priest. In 1571 Bishop Peña named him cura of the new Indian parish of San Blas—a post for which his command of the Quechua spoken at Quito and the prestige of being closely related to the highest Quechua-speaking nobility fitted him admirably. In the meantime he continued as cathedral organist. Juan de Ovando praised him in a 42-folio report to the crown dated 1573, La Cibdád de Sant Francisco del Quito: “He is virtuous and self-restrained, musically skilled, and he ministers to the Indians [200 pesos annually] while simultaneously serving as cathedral organist [250 pesos]” (Enríquez B. 1938: 49–50). The report continues by calling Quito Cathedral music “currently the best in the Peruvian viceroyalty.”
On 3 April 1574 Lobato was named maestro and commissioned by the cathedral chapter to compose the motetes (short Spanish liturgical compositions) and chanzonetas (festive pieces without estribillos) needed for Christmas and Corpus Christi. The lavishing of all these attentions on Lobato aroused envy. In the eight years between 1577 and 1585 Canon Ordóñez Villaquirán did Lobato great harm by threatening to appeal to the pope himself if monies spent on music in Quito Cathedral were not reduced and by spurning him for being a mestizo. Another junior canon who interfered was Francisco Talavera. A native of Santo Domingo (present-day Dominican Republic), Talavera had studied organ in the island with Manuel Rodríguez, a brilliant Spaniard who was Gregorio Silvestre’s brother and who ended his career as Mexico City Cathedral organist, 1567–1594. However, Lobato survived these interferences to be again named titular maestro de capilla on 6 February 1590, following Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo’s departure for Lima.
The earliest surviving music with Spanish text in Spanish-speaking America dates from the last decade of the sixteenth century. Tomás Pascual, village maestro at San Juan Ixcoi (Huehuetenango, Guatemala), completed a villancico collection on 20 January 1600 that contains coplas and villancicos dated 1595, 1597, and 1599. The Santa Eulalia M.Md.7 manuscript (now BloomI. 7 at Bloomington, Indiana) opens with Pascual’s Victoria, victoria que a vencido, a four-voice tribute to Archangel Michael (Ex. 2). As in most of his villancicos, Pascual assigns coplas (strophes) to a solo tiple (soprano). The estribillo (refrain) is for four voices.
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Ex. 2: Tomás Pascual, Victoria, victoria que a vencido, four-voice villancico for St. Michael’s day in Santa Eulalia M.Md7 for use in the Guatemalan hamlet of San Juan Ixcoi. Transcribed by Stevenson (1985b: 94), catalogued in Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas (1970b: 51). Earliest surviving music with Spanish text in Hispanic America.
The treasure trove of indigenous and European Renaissance polyphony copied at northwestern Guatemala hamlets (Santa Eulalia, San Juan Ixcoi, San Mateo Ixtatán)—first surveyed in Robert Stevenson “European Music in 16th-century Guatemala” (1964a: 341–52), and in Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas (1970b: 50–64)—was later exhaustively studied in Paul W. Borg’s 1985 Indiana University splendid Ph.D. dissertation, “The Polyphonic Music in the Guatemalan Music Manuscripts of the Lilly Library.” Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music 1400–1550 (1979: I, 61–66) provides a summary of Guatemalan holdings in the Lilly Library (Bloomington, Indiana).
Throughout the seventeenth century the better Spanish American composers and conductors continued to cluster around the local cathedrals, notably, in New Spain, those of Mexico City itself, Puebla de los Ángeles, and Oaxaca. The sumptuous cathedral of Puebla boasted a succession of six distinguished maestros—Pedro Bermúdez (1603), Gaspar Fernandes (1606–1629), Juan Gutiérrez de Padilla (1622–1664), Juan García de Céspedes (1664–1678), Antonio de Salazar (1679–1688), and Miguel Mateo de Dallo y Lana (1688–1705)—all of whom left testimonials to their talent in still extant compositions. Oaxaca Cathedral had the distinction of hiring from 1655 to 1667 the first full-blooded indigenous maestro de capilla in colonial annals, the Zapotec Juan Mat[h]ías. One rare exception to the rule that the cathedrals attracted the most talented was “don” Juan de Lienas in Mexico City during the years before 1650. Like Tomás Pascual in San Juan Ixcoi (Huehuetenango), Juan Matías at Oaxaca Cathedral, and many others, Juan de Lienas was an Indian. He was also probably a cacique—and married. For some or all of these reasons he failed to gain a cathedral post, despite being the composer of superb single- and double-choir polyphony that excels in both expressiveness and carefully tooled craftsmanship. His Salve Regina a 4, transcribed from the so-called Convento del Carmen codex, is a tender, emotional work. His works in the Newberry Library Mexican choirbooks brought to Chicago around 1899 by the collector Charles Lawrence Hutchinson (1854–1924) and catalogued as Case MS VM 2147 C36, volumes 1–6—the Magnificat Tertii toni a 5 (Newberry I, at folios 92v–99) and Domine ad adiuvandum a 8 (I, 93v–94, second choir part missing); the three Vespers psalms a 8, Dixit Dominus, Laudate pueri, and Credidi (Newberry 2, 3, and 6); a 12-verse triple-choir Magnificat primi toni a 10 (2, 98v-102; 3, 101v-106; 5, 104v-108; 6, 91v-96); Salve a 8 (3, 5, and 6); and Nunc dimittis a 8 (3, 3v–4, 132v–133; 5, 17v–18; 6, 2v–4)—show the most signs of use among the various compositions in these manuscripts. Robert Stevenson, “Catalogue of Newberry Library Mexican Choirbooks (Case MS VM 2147 C36)” (1987a: 65–73), provided an annotated listing. Four items are by Hernando Franco, 13 by Francisco Guerrero, and 17 by Juan de Lienas. Rather than holding a cathedral post, Lienas made his living as a convento chapelmaster. Various scribbles by copyists throughout Lienas’s Newberry works identify him as being a betrayed married man. Wherever he conducted—in all likelihood at Incarnation Convent in Mexico City—he must have intended his double-choir works for tiples on higher parts, instruments on lower (lower voices typically lack texts in the Newberry choirbooks).
The three other Mexico City composers represented in the Newberry volumes were all cathedral maestros de capilla. Antonio Rodríguez Mata began with a half prebend 23 September 1614. From 1618 he composed the villancicos and chanzonetas needed at Christmas and other high feasts, and from no later than 1632 until his death in 1643 was titular chapelmaster. His Passio Domini nostri Jesu Christi secundum Lucam, a 4 (Newberry 2, folios 115v–118; 5, 122v–125)—like his Matthew and John Passions a 4 (Mexico City Cathedral Choirbook, hereafter MCCB, II, folios 1v–14, 72v–80), and like his two Lamentations (MCCB II, 106v–114 and 114v–119)—eschews all artifice, and instead consists of dark-hued chords throughout. Like Victoria and Guerrero, Rodríguez Mata limited the polyphony in his Passions to crowd utterances and a few other sentences.
Fabián Pérez Ximeno (b. ca. 1595; d. Mexico City ca. 17 April 1654) earned a large salary for being cathedral assistant organist as early as 1 December 1623. Like Luis Coronado, who preceded him as cathedral chapelmaster (1643–1648), and López Capillas, who followed him (1654–1674), Pérez Ximeno functioned as both choir director and organist during his last years from 31 March 1648 to his death six years later. On 2 May 1651 he petitioned the cathedral chapter to “dissolve certain competing choirs, and in particular one choir led by a Negro, because of the indecency of their singing and the nonsense which they utter when assisting at Masses and at other paid church functions” (Stevenson, Christmas Music from Baroque Mexico, 1974a: 73–74, quoting Mexico City Cathedral, Actas Capitulares, XI, 1650–1653, folio 33v). Long before 1651 Blacks had been accused of disturbing the peace around Mexico City Cathedral. Because they habitually gathered in the zócalo on Sunday afternoons to dance around the Aztec calendar stone, sometimes killing each other, Archbishop Alonso de Montúfar (1554–1572) had ordered the stone buried. By 1598 African drums were so much better known in Mexico than the pre-Conquest tlalpanhuehuetls that even an Indian historian, Hernando Alvarado Tezozomoc, in his Crónica mexicana, had felt obliged to explain the dread death drum of his ancestors by likening it to “a drum of the Negroes who nowadays dance in the plazas.”
Pérez Ximeno’s petition also articulated another long-standing grievance: payments to such unauthorized choirs took bread out of the mouths of duly appointed cathedral singers. Replying, the cathedral chapter reminded Ximeno that certain indigent singers would be left penniless if cathedral singers monopolized every paid engagement, and deputed the cathedral provisor, Doctor Pedro de Barrientos, a man “well experienced in these wrangles between choirs,” to resolve their differences with his usual prudence. In their discussion it becomes quite evident that the music of the capilla del negro pleased certain members of the chapter so well that they were ready to protect the Black musicians even at the risk of offending their most veteran musical staff. Sensing the need to brighten the sound of his own rather elderly choir, Ximeno next proposed the importation of a virtuoso harpist and some other instrumentalists from Puebla. During his last two years, trying to act as both chapelmaster and first organist proved too much for him. Discipline among his musicians deteriorated. To steer them back to a proper course, the chapter was forced to resort to the time-honored system of fines.
As a composer Ximeno favored great polychoral blocks of sound. His Missa quarti toni super Beatus vir, a 11 (Newberry 3, 49v–57; 6, 45v–53; 2, 44v–51; 5, 62v–69) survives also at Puebla Cathedral (in loose sheets, Stevenson 1978c: 187). As the model on which to base his Hypophrygian Mass abounding in fine antiphonal effects, he chose the tone IV psalm a 11, Beatus vir, by “frai Jasinto.” Ximeno’s Missa de la Batalla, a 6 (sexti toni) belongs to the Spanish Battle Mass tradition inaugurated by Guerrero (Della batalla escoutez, a 5 ), continued by Victoria (Pro victoria, a 9 ), and exemplified in such other later works sent the New World as Vicente García’s Missa de Batalla, a 8 and Carlos Patiño’s Magnificat Batalla, à Ocho. Still in the polychoral vein, Newberry 3 (106v–111), 6 (96v–101), and 2 (102v–107 and 108v–113) contain Ximeno’s brilliant, virtuosic Magnificat Septimi toni, a 8. His bright-hued Newberry double-choir repertoire a 8 and a 11 contrasts with the somber coloring of his two funeral psalms a 5 in MCCB III, folios 73v–78 and 79v–84: Qui inclinavit and Confitebor tibi Domine in toto corde, each ending with a “Requiem aeternam” verse. As a sample of his versatility, his march-rhythm F-major gallego a 5, Ay ay galeguiños ay que lo veyo (for soprano solo, chorus of two sopranos, tenor, and bass, plus unfigured continuo) proves him as much a master of the vernacular idiom as he was of learned Latin styles (Stevenson, Christmas Music from Baroque Mexico, 1974a: 181–87). His recourse to jaunty repeated dactyls (quarter note followed by two eighth notes) gives this Galician-dialect villancico a flair that immediately captivates the most casual listener.
No villancicos survive by Ximeno’s immediate successor in Mexico City Cathedral, Francisco López Capillas (b. ca. 1605–d. 18 January 1674), who was appointed chapelmaster on 21 April 1654. Nonetheless, printed texts of villancicos sung in the cathedral on 12 December 1669 make López Capillas the first to have set to music poetry honoring the Virgin of Guadalupe, patroness and protector of New Spain. On this occasion the congregation read the texts in a booklet entitled Letras que se cantaron … En los Maitines de la Apparicion de la Santissima Imagen de la Virgen Maria Madre de Dios de Guadalupe (México, Por la Viuda de Bernardo Calderón, 1669, in Beristaín de Souza 1951: 34–35). What does survive from López Capillas’s pen are eight splendid Masses (including a Batalla, a 6), nine Magnificats, ten motets, two hymns, and a Matthew Passion. In at least six of his eight extant Masses he displays extraordinary learning—Missa super scalam Aretinam, a 5 (MCCB VII, folios 2v–21); two Palestrina parody masses a 4, Quam pulchri sunt gressus tui and Benedicta sit Sancta Trinitas (MCCB VI, folios [1v]–21 and 21v–43); a Juan de Riscos parody Missa Re Sol, a 4; and two parody or imitation masses based on his own motets, Aufer a nobis, a 4 (Ex. 3) and Alleluia, a 5 (MCCB VIII, folios 1v–17, 19v–35, and 74v–91).
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Ex. 3: Our Lady motet by Francisco López Capillas, Aufer a nobis, a 4, Mexico City Cathedral, Choirbook VIII, folios 35v–36, the source for his own parody Mass, the Missa a 4 Aufer a nobis, Choirbook VIII, folios 19v–35. Transcribed by Stevenson in Inter-American Music Review (1985b: 57–58) and catalogued in Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas (1970b: 137).
Whence came López Capillas’s erudition? Whatever he knew, he learned in Mexico—for it was there that he was both born and bred. His lengthy will, signed 13 January 1674 before a Mexico City notary, Francisco de Quiñones (Archivo General de Notarías, 547, olim 325, folios 8–11v), testifies to his having been born in the viceregal capital, to his having sisters living in Mexico City, and to his owning extensive real estate there. In a short musical treatise preceding his hexachord Mass (MCCB VI), he invokes the authority of “Pedro de Guevara Loyola, Maestro desta Yglesia.” Justifying his elaborate notational conundrums, he appeals to precedents cited in Pedro Cerone’s El Melopeo y Maestro (Naples, 1613, pages 974–75). To illustrate time-values of notes under © 3/2 and © mensuration signs, Cerone there provided examples repeated by López Capillas—among them the Osanna and Agnus of Lupus Hellinck’s Missa peccata mea, Pedro Manchicourt’s motet Hic est panis, the Osanna of Morales’s Missa L’Homme armé a 5, Palestrina’s Gaude, qui meruisti (part 2 of Palestrina’s Gaude Barbara, a 5 , measures 90–93 in the altus part), and a motet credited to Richafort, Beati omnes. López Capillas also appeals to Cerone’s book 8, chapter 9; and chapters 15, 17, and 21 of a now lost Compendio de música by the former cathedral maestro Guevara Loyola (or Loyola Guevara), who had published a 60–page Arte para componer (Sevilla: Andrea Pescioni, 1582) before emigrating to Mexico City. Such evidence proves López Capillas able to cite by chapter and verse European teachers, treatises, and music (Brothers 1973: 39–40, including the entire Declaración preceding MCCB VII; and 1993: 2814–34)—all witnessed by Cerone.
López Capillas’ early professional years included a seven-year period at Puebla Cathedral, 17 December 1641 to 15 May 1648. Until 13 September 1645 he played both bajón and organ, thereafter only organ. To avoid lowering his 400-peso annual salary, the chapter permitted him thenceforth to earn half for organ-playing, the other half for singing. A bachiller when hired in 1641, he became a licenciado before 15 January 1647. Concurrently with his studies, he imbibed no small part of his musical learning from the incomparable Puebla Cathedral maestro during his stay there, Juan Gutiérrez de Padilla. Ever eager to foster developing genius, Gutiérrez de Padilla recognized López Capillas’s talents by recommending him for a 600-peso annual salary in 1647.
His musical earnings at Mexico City Cathedral rank among the highest in colonial annals—rising from a yearly salary of 500 pesos in 1654 to 1,000 in 1674. Like Gaspar Fernandes at Puebla, 1606–1629, and like his Mexico City predecessors Luis Coronado and Ximeno, López Capillas drew two salaries. Every other week he alternated on the organ bench with the deceased Ximeno’s nephew, Francisco de Vidales, until the precocious Vidales departed for Puebla (d. Puebla, 2 June 1702). At double feasts when both were present, López Capillas directed and Vidales played. The primera solemne dedicación of the cathedral on 2 February 1656 inaugurated the most brilliant musical year of the century in the capital. The viceroy, the Duke of Albuquerque, had suggested on 28 January that López Capillas was genius enough to write a four-choir Mass in time for 25 July, 1656, when four bishops were to be consecrated—Mateo Sagada Bugeiro for the capital, Alonso de Cuevas Dávalos for Oaxaca, and two others. According to the viceroy’s proposal, each of the four choirs would sing a Mass “complete in itself” and different from all the rest. Choirs from the city under their own chapelmasters would make up the numbers needed for such a musical panoply. They would be “so carefully divided into four equal choirs and well trained that the four different Masses sung simultaneously would blend into a perfectly harmonious whole” (Stevenson 1964b: 122, citing Actas Capitulares, XIII, folio 16v). Easily the prince of Mexico City maestros since Franco, López Capillas acceded.
In 1661 López Capillas tried persuading the chapter that “the offices of maestro de capilla and organist cannot properly be filled by the same person.” However, despite the archbishop’s protection and his own acknowledged merits, the chapter adjured him to go on living with the “bad custom” as best he could, because for “justos motivos y causas superiores” no alleviation was in sight. Unable to persuade the chapter gently, López next tried the tactic of withholding a type of service always expected of maestros de capilla—namely, the annual composition of special new Christmas music. On 16 December 1664 the chapter summoned him to explain why no villancicos were being prepared and why so few singers were appearing for Saturday Salves. He replied that composing special Christmas music was not a contracted part of his job, whereupon the chapter countered with the retort: “For 80 years Mexico City chapelmasters have been annually composing the villancicos, and if López does not wish to continue doing so, a proper remedy will be found” (Actas Capitulares, XVI, 1664–1667, folio 122v).
With the arrival in 1668 of the prelate Fray Payo Enríquez de Rivera, López Capillas’ musical advice at last began being taken seriously enough for the chapter to engage Joseph Ydiáquez as principal organist. A graduate of the University of Mexico, Ydiáquez rivaled his 16th-century predecessor Manuel Rodríguez. No other Mexico City organists won such high praise for both their teaching and their virtuoso performances. Ydiáquez did so well that on 10 January 1673, within months of his being hired, the chapter voluntarily doubled his salary. A month later López Capillas began an intensive campaign to recruit fine singers from other parts of New Spain. At the same time, López Capillas was himself rewarded (cedula dated 23 March 1672 at Madrid, effective at Mexico City 7 May 1673) by promotion from half to full prebend. So large did his income now grow that two generations later his renta was a legend. In 1742 Juan Téllez Girón, who began as a cathedral choirboy in 1693 and became organist in 1697, cited him as the best-paid musician in Mexican memory.
Bachiller Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa, one of nineteen cathedral choristers hired in 1647 and López Capillas’ successor as chapelmaster sometime before 1685, enjoys the distinction of having collaborated more frequently with the “Tenth Muse,” Sor Juan Inés de la Cruz (1651–1695), than any other composer who set her poetry to music. Villancicos were so much his forte that he composed the music for five of her twelve canonical sets—those for Assumption in 1676, 1679, 1685, for Conception in 1676, and for St. Peter in 1683. As if these were not enough, he composed the music also for the anonymous 1677 and 1686 Assumption-sets attributed to Sor Juana by Alfonso Méndez Plancarte (Sor Juan Inés de la Cruz, Obras completas, II 1952: 469, 499). Against this impressive record, Antonio de Salazar (b. Puebla, ca. 1649; d. Mexico City, 25 March 1715)—appointed Mexico City cathedral chapelmaster on 3 September 1688—composed only one canonical set and six “attributed” sets; Miguel Mateo de Dallo y Lana of Puebla Cathedral composed three canonical and one “attributed;” and Mateo Vallados (appointed Oaxaca Cathedral chapelmaster 23 March 1668; died there before 7 September 1708) one canonical.
The publication of baroque Mexican villancicos that began in 1934 when Gabriel Saldívar y Silva included two by Antonio de Salazar (1690, 1691) in his pathbreaking Historia de la música en México now colors the seventeenth century with a previously unsuspected iridescence (Saldívar y Silva 1934: 108–11). In Salazar’s Duo al Santissimo, Vengan vengan corriendo, the six coplas in F major choose this old fashioned mensuration © 3/2 (Ex. 4).
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Ex. 4: Antonio de Salazar, Vengan vengan corriendo, Duo al Santissimo. Villancico for alto, tenor, and unfigured conitnuo. Transcribed by Robert Stevenson (1985b: 96–97), catalogued under Guatemala City Cathedral in Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas (1970b: 98).
Juan Gutierre de Padilla’s jácara, negrilla, calenda, juego de cañas, and gallego exemplify the extraordinary variety of his work. “Las estreyas se rien,” Gutierre de Padilla’s “cane game,” published in Stevenson’s Christmas Music from Baroque Mexico (1974a: 129–40) and Seventeenth-century Villancicos from a Puebla Convent Archive (1974b: 19–33) was recorded in Blanco y Negro: Hispanic Songs of the Renaissance from the Old and New World (1975). Not only Padilla but even more so his predecessor at Puebla Cathedral, Gaspar Fernandes, imported from Guatemala in 1606, excelled in African-influenced guineos, negros, and negrillas. Particularly captivating is Fernandes’ guineo a 5 beginning “Eso rigor e repente” and rushing to the frenetic refrain, “Sarabanda tenge que tenge” (Ex. 5, Recorded Ex. 2). First published in “The Afro-American musical legacy to 1800” (Stevenson 1968a: 490–93), this guineo has been repeatedly republished and recorded (beginning with Blanco y Negro  and Festival of Early Latin American Music ). Because of the large role played by negros, negrillas, and guineos in the 284-folio manuscript containing Fernandes’ vernacular works, this codex will always serve as prime source material for students of the African musical legacy to the Americas.
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Ex. 5: Gaspar Fernandes, Guineo a 5, “Eso rigor e repente,” in a 284-folio codex at Oaxaca Cathedral containing Fernandes’ vernacular compositions dated between 1609 and 1620, folios 243v–244. Transcribed by Stevenson (1968a: 490–93; 1985b: 11–13), catalogued by Stevenson (1970b: 203). Recorded Ex. 2.
In addition to a few liturgical pieces, the same 284-folio codex at Oaxaca Cathedral contains a five-voice motet by Gaspar Fernandes (Ex. 6), the earliest secular work to a Latin text anywhere encountered in a Latin American archive—Elegit eum Dominus, headed Motete a 5 para la entrada del birrey (Motet a 5 for the Entrance of the Viceroy [Diego Fernández de Córdoba, 13th Viceroy of Mexico, who ruled from October 28, 1612 to March 14, 1621]).
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Ex. 6: Gaspar Fernandes, Elegit eum Dominus, for two tiples, alto, tenor, and bass, earliest secular work to a Latin text in a Latin American archive. Oaxaca Cathedral, folios 132v–133. Transcribed by Stevenson (1985b: 7–8), catalogued by Stevenson (1970b: 194–199).
Eight of Sor Juana’s villancico cycles include texts labeled negro or negrilla—those for 15 August and 6 December 1676; 31 January 1677; 15 August 1679, 1685, and 1686; Christmas 1860; and 19 March 1690. In her negro for 31 January 1677 an African descendant sings to the accompaniment of his calabash a puerto rico beginning “Tumba, la-lá-la; tumba, la-lé-le / wherever Peter enters, no one remains a slave.” In her other negros, tags such as “gulungú, gulungú” and “he, he, he, cambulé” add rhythmic zest.
Apart from rattles to accompany a 1677 puerto rico sung in St. Peter’s honor, the bewildering variety of instruments used to accompany her 1691 villancico cycle honoring the “keeper of the keys” comes to view in the following text set to music by Antonio de Salazar:
How well the cathedral honors her shepherd,
Hear the peal of the bells, tan tan talan, tan tan!
Listen to the clarion, tin tin tilin, tin tin!
Better still the sound of the trumpet, the sackbut,
the cornett, the organ, and the bassoon.
Jesus, what din they all make, so loud the violin can’t even tune!
Tan tan talan tan tan, tin tin tilin tin tin!
To lend added sparkle to Peter’s sacred day,
one instrument joins another in sweetest harmony:
The shawm accompanied by the violin.
Tin tilin tin tin!
Now the trumpet loudly blares, now the cornett trills,
now the sackbut joins the fray of contending lines.
Tan talan tan tan!
Now the tromba marina squeaks above the double bass,
their pitch stabilized by the bassoon.
Now echo refines the zither’s trill,
alternating with the violin.
Tin tilin tin tin!
The tenor [shawm] gurgles, the vihuela runs in counterpoint,
the small rebec lends its charm,
the bandore takes a part, the harp quavers;
and thus they all resound.
Tan talan tan tan!
Not only does Sor Juana name Salazar’s instruments in this 1691 villancico suite, but also she tells what specific consort accompanied each stanza of the coplas: trumpet, sackbut, and cornett, basson, and organ the first; shawm and violin the second; trumpet, cornett, and sackbut the third; tromba marina, double bass and bassoon, zither and violin the fourth; tenor shawm, vihuela, small rebec, bandore, and harp the fifth. Vivifying her allusions, many instruments mentioned in Sor Juana’s verse are shown in paintings by her Mexican contemporaries Cristóbal de Villalpando and Juan Correa. Twelve of their paintings are shown (in color) in Salvador Moreno’s Ángeles músicos: Homenaje a Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz (1980). Villalpando’s canvases show harps, lutes, portative organs, gambas, viols, crumhorn, trnsverse flute, and guitar; Correa’s show also a bajoncillo.
The African influences abundantly evident in New Spain also left their distinctive mark in South America. As early as 12 June 1568 a married mulatto named Hernán García signed a contract at La Plata (modern Sucre, Bolivia) with Juan de la Peña de Madrid to open a school (“para tener escuela”) in which each taught his specialty: de la Peña how to sing and dance, García how to play and dance. García’s instrument was the vihuela; and to help him buy a large one for 60 pesos, de la Peña advanced half its price (“treynta pesos de la mytad dela que costó vna viguela grande”). They contracted not only to share alike in the school’s profits, but also to divide equally whatever payments they received for dancing and playing at Corpus Christi, Assumption, and other festivals. Meanwhile García agreed to teach nowhere but in the school which they were to run, not to exercise his profession anywhere else, and above all to teach nobody except those who paid (“mostrar el dicho o fiar a nadie sino delo pagaren”) (Archivo Nacional de Bolivia, Escrituras Públicas, Águila 1568, folio 226v and Bravo 1569, folio 29v).
Not surprisingly, the San Antonio Abad seminary library in both Cusco and Sucre Cathedral, contains (or contained) numerous 17th-century negros, negritos, and negrillas. Three revealing negros at Cusco are catalogued as MSS 110, 115, and 344. Bamo bamo en bona fe, an alto-tenor ternary-meter duo in F major, has a refrain repeating the typical “African” rhythmic tag words, “gurugú” and “gurumbé.” Caia guinea bailamo lo congo (“Stop talking, Black man, let’s dance congo”) a 4, in C major, fast ternary meter, exploits ruthlessly repetitive rhythms and tonic-dominant major key harmony (as is everywhere the rule in the colonial negro repertoire). The text continues: “i mandinga con tumbaquetú , con tumbaquetú … asi mangulú, mangulú, mango” [repeat]; then, “con tumbaquetú [repeated several times]; next, “vailamo lo congo.” Pasqualiyo Antoniyo Flasiquiyo Manueliyo for Christmas, begins as a solo answered by five-part ensemble (three tiples, alto, tenor). In F Major, this negro sung in Cusco Cathedral on Christmas Eve 1753 exhibits all the traits typical of negros since Philippe Rogier (1560/61–1596) and Géry de Ghersem (1572/1575–1630) started composing them in Spain and Gaspar Fernandes began in New Spain. The traditional traits include these: African-derived dialect text with refrain of “African” words endlessly repeated, F or C major tonic-dominant harmonies, fast syncopated ternary-meter music with constant “displaced” accents to suggest interacting African time-lines.
The musical riches of La Plata (modern Sucre) Cathedral, which for safekeeping were before 1981 transferred to the Bolivian Biblioteca Nacional at Sucre, include an Anonymous 6/8 negro in C major with the accompaniment of paired violins and continuo (Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas, 1970b: 224, item 262) that had become the Spanish American norm in even the remotest centers before the middle of the eighteenth century. Four tiples unite in summoning their fellow Blacks to Bethlehem (“bamo a Beren”) to see the Child (“beremo niño naciro”) in this negro that begins: Antonuero bamo bamo a Beren. Another more ambitious negro a 8 sung at Sucre ca. 1700 began “Entle que entle / Venga que venga / Dansa que dansa / Buelta que buelta” (Enter who will enter, come, dance, turn). “Cuçambú” is the refrain word tirelessly repeated in this C major, fast ternary-meter jamboree.
The supreme baroque genius of inland Spanish South America was Juan de Araujo (b. ca. 1646, Villafranca, Spain; d. La Plata, Bolivia, 1712). Araujo studied as a royal scholar at San Marcos University, Lima, with her father, who was a ministro, had emigrated ca. 1650. His independence of spirit offended Pedro Fernández de Castro y Andrade (1632–1672), Count of Lemos and nineteenth viceroy of Peru, who had arrived in November, 1667. Banished from Lima, Araujo returned after Lemos’s death to become ca. 1672–1676 maestro de capilla of Lima Cathedral. In 1680 La Plata/Sucre Cathedral hired him as maestro. When he took over, the wealth of the cathedral had grown so enormous that three pages of fine handwriting could not list all the perlas, esmeraldas, oro, and other jewels and metals in the treasurer’s safekeeping (27 October 1685). Amid such opulence, Araujo was able to call not only for the copying of his own compositions (among a total of 617 tonos antiquísimos by him and others belonging formerly to the Sucre Cathedral music archive) but also to gather the forces necessary for their performance. Before 1693 he had so impressed the Audiencia of Charcas that this body recommended him to Charles II for a prebend or canonry. His punctilious teaching of choirboys, six of whom were still being boarded, lodged, and taught in his house until the eve of his death, assured him of a continuous stream of tiples able to sing his high-pitched villancicos and tonos. Three texts set by Araujo—Los que tienen hambre a 8; Si Dios se contiene en el sacramento a 3; Venid mortales, venid a la audiencia a 10—derive from Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz; one—Sagalexos, venid y notad a 10—from Manuel de León Marchante (1623–1680). Bouncing ternary mensuration inhabits the vast majority of Araujo’s vernacular works with harp accompaniment. On the other hand, he garbs his Latin works in proper liturgical vestments—among those housed now or formerly at the Cusco Seminario de San Antonio Abad, an outstanding example being his superb through-composed psalm Dixit Dominus a 11, recorded by the Roger Wagner Chorale in 1977 (Latin American Musical Treasures, Eldorado 2). After his death, a succession of his pupils and of their pupils kept La Plata/Sucre music on as lofty a plane as any in South America to 1800. Juan de Araujo’s Los coflades de la Estleya, Negritos a la Navidad del St, belonged to the private archive of Julia Elena Fortún (La Paz, Bolivia) when catalogued by Robert Stevenson (1970b: 107) (Ex. 7, Recorded Ex. 3). Later, she generously ceded her archive consisting of 300 17th-and 18th-century compositions to the Bolivian National Library at Sucre.
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Ex. 7: Juan de Araujo, Los coflades de la estleya, Christmas villancico for a cofradía or confraternity, Negritos a la Navidad del Sr a 6. Transcribed by Stevenson in The Music of Peru (1960: 236–49; and 1985a: 37–45); catalogued by Stevenson (1970b: 108); recorded in Baroque Music in South America (1987). Original parts written a fourth higher. Recorded Ex. 3.
The other center that continued to be musically well served as late as 1700, despite drastic population decline, was Potosí (Bolivia). Antonio Durán de la Mota, maestro de capilla of the Potosí iglesia matriz, whom the La Plata Cathedral chapter unsuccessfully tried to lure in 1712 after Araujo’s death, ranks next to Araujo as the finest inland composer bridging the two centuries. His exquisite Vespers psalm a 4, Laudate pueri Dominum (1723), survives in parts at the San Antonio Abad seminary in Cusco and received its highly praised modern première at the Carmel Bach Festival (California) on 22 July 1970 (published in Stevenson 1975b: 102–12, and recorded in Festival of Early Latin American Music ). Another facet of his talents is shown in the fiery tribute to John of God, Fuego fuego que Juan de Dios se abrasa, a 7 (1734) (Stevenson 1975b: 95–101). One of the twelve vernacular works to be found in the archives of Sucre Cathedral (now at the Biblioteca Nacional at Sucre), this vivid villancico demonstrates still further the amazingly high musical culture still prevalent at the “Villa Imperial” in a century of severely reduced mining operations.
Lima’s musical hegemony in the continent fluctuated with the maestros imported from Europe. For her maestro de capilla on 12 November 1612, when five adult singers, five instrumentalists (presumably all able to double as singers), and four boys constituted the paid musical corps, Lima employed the Sevillian Estacio de la Serna (ca. 1565–1625) who, before emigrating to Lima, had from 5 December 1595 to ca. 1604 been organist of the royal chapel at Lisbon. De la Serna composed two tientos (Monumentos de la música española XII, 1952: 246–55). His noble tone VI tiento (recorded in Música de la Catedral de Lima  and Latin American Musical Treasures ) fully equals in quality and facture the best contemporary European product and amply justifies the financial rewards Lima rained on him. Martín de León’s Relacion delas exequias que el exmo St. D. Juan de Mendoça … Virrei del Piru hizo en la muerte dela Reina (Lima, 1613), lauds him as “so famous for his art and for his other excellent qualities as to be known throughout all Spain,” and claims for his “newly composed music” (musica nueuamente compuesta) performed in the cathedral on 23 November 1612 to commemorate Queen Margaret (d. 3 October 1611) an “incomparable sweetness.”
Financial superiority enabled Lima in 1622 to lure from Cusco (where he had been hired on 18 June 1617 for a yearly 500 pesos) the choleric Christóbal de Belsayaga. His seven-minute Magnificat sexti toni, a 8 (published in Stevenson 1975b: 59–66, and recorded in Festival of Early Latin American Music ), belies his reputation of being a strict disciplinarian and no-nonsense conductor by unfolding page after page of melting sweetness. Ever the taskmaster, Belsayaga obtained from the Lima chapter a ruling on 13 July 1623 that singers must henceforth habit themselves as early as 6 A.M. in summer and 6:30 in winter. After a further decade marred by many contretemps, he resigned on 11 April 1633, thereafter managing the business affairs of a rich Lima convent. Two years before his resignation there was published at Lima in Juan Pérez Bocanegra’s Ritual formulario (Gerónymo de Contreras, 1631), the first part-music printed in the New World. The text of this fragrant processional is in purest Cusco Quechua, Hanacpachap cussicuinin (Fig. 3, recorded in Salve Regina }.
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Fig. 3: Four-voice Hanacpachap cussicuinin, text in Quechua as spoken in the Inca Empire. First part-music printed in the New World, published in Juan Pérez Bocanegra’s Ritual formulario under Oraciones diversas (Lima: Gerónymo de Contreras, 1631, pages 708–9). Transcribed by Stevenson (1985b: 95).
The arrival at Lima in November 1667 of the Count of Lemos as viceroy inaugurated a new era. In his train came Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz. “My grounding in music was acquired while serving the Condesa de Lemos y Andrade,” wrote Ruiz de Ribayaz in Lvz y Norte Mvsical (Madrid, 1677), the compendium of dances for guitar and harp that he published on his return to Spain after the nineteenth viceroy’s premature death on 6 December 1672. More important for Peru than Ruiz de Ribayaz was another retainer who sailed with the viceroy from Cádiz on 3 March 1667—Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco (b. Villarrobledo, 23 December 1644; d. Lima, 23 April 1728). Up to his appointment on 1 January 1676 as Lima Cathedral chapelmaster, colonial maestros had always been priests.
During his 52 years as Lima Cathedral maestro, Torrejón’s compositions spread from Cusco to Guatemala. His fourteen vernacular works at Guatemala begin with a villancico of 1679 honoring the first American saint, Santa Rosa de Lima (1586–1617); canonized in 1671). This delightful tribute for tiple duet, tenor, and harp enjoyed such popularity in Guatemala that it was reworked in 1748 with a new text lauding Our Lady. It was still sung in 1755. Another of his villancicos honoring Rose of Lima inspired a new arrangement in 1744 by Manuel de Quiroz, Guatemala Cathedral maestro 1738–1765. An even longer life can be documented for his frothy four-voice Christmas juguete (“toy”), Atención que para hacer en todo cabal la fiesta. In this F major triple-meter dance (vailete) with harp accompaniment, Torrejón y Velasco sets a text that alludes to authors as famous as Virgil and Lope de Vega. Four sacristans representing four churches distant from each other engage in a contest of wits. To vaunt their pseudo-learning, their macaronic coplas drip with oozing of Latin. When reviving it at Guatemala in 1772, Rafael Castellanos (cathedral maestro 1765–1791) thickened the instrumentation but otherwise left the buoyant music intact. Torrejón y Velasco’s Sacrament villancico in the archives of Guatemala, Cantarico que bas a la fuente, sets lines from Pedro Calderón de la Barca’s auto sacramental entitled Primero y segundo Isaac, premiered at Madrid in 1678 with music by Juan Hidalgo. Since this auto was performed at Lima in 1681 and again in 1686, Torrejón setting doubtless dates from one year or the other.
Certainly the most influential dramatist in colonial history, Calderón de la Barca supplied the libretto for the earliest extant opera produced in the New World, Torrejón’s La púrpura de la rosa. It was staged in the Peruvian viceroy’s palace in Lima on 19 October 1701 to celebrate Philip V’s eighteenth birthday and first year on the throne. This opera—or representación música as Torrejón called the work on the title page of the holograph score now at the Biblioteca Nacional in Lima (MS C1469)—belongs still to the baroque tradition of Juan Hidalgo (b. Madrid, ca. 1614; d. Madrid, 30 March 1685). In place of Italian-style recitative, both Hidalgo and Torrejón preferred narrative coplas. In place of arias, they both stopped the action with choral ritornelli that correspond with the estribillos of villancicos. Torrejón was justified in casting treble choirboys in the roles of Adonis and Mars because Hidalgo had composed his adult male roles for women singers. La púrpura de la rosa has been published three times: in Foundations for New World Opera, with a transcription of the earliest extant American opera, 1701 (Stevenson 1973a); in Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco, La púrpura de la rosa (Lima, 1976); and with the same title at Kassel by Reichenberger in 1990. The Roger Wagner Chorale recorded the Loa in Salve Regina (1966); the Clemencic Consort recorded a questionable version (Nuova Era CDA 3892 1936) that in 2000 awaited a more authentic traversal.
In 18th-century Spain the Bourbon dynasty favored Italian performers and Italian composers. Farinelli, Corselli, Corradini, Falconi, and others made Madrid an Italian fiefdom during Philip V’s later years. Ferdinand VI and María Bárbara revelled solely in Italian opera, Italian keyboard literature, and Italian chamber music. The shift in royal patronage, painfully apparent at Madrid, blew winds of change to even the most remote outposts of the Spanish empire. At Guatemala, Manuel de Quiroz rearranged opera excerpts by Francesco Ciampi, Nicola Conforto, Corselli, Giacomo Facco, Baldassare Galuppi, Leonardo Leo, Nicola Logroscino, Giambattista Pergolesi, Niccolo Porpora, and Leonardo Vinci. At Cusco the Augustinian friar Esteban Ponce de León, who began as cathedral maestro de capilla no later than 1738, composed Italian-style recitatives and arias for the revival of Agustín Moreto’s Antíoco y Seleuco on 30 November 1743 to honor the newly installed bishop, Pedro Morcillo Rubio de Auñón. Although the play antedates 1654, Ponce de León’s music belongs completely to 1743 and reflects not Torrejón y Velasco’s influence, but rather the sylistic vogues introduced at Lima by Torrejón’s successor, Roque Ceruti (ca. 1686–1760), who was a native of Milan.
Ceruti reached Lima in 1708. Brought there by the twenty-fourth Peruvian viceroy, Manuel de Oms y Santa Pau, who was himself a passable poet and guitar player, Ceruti composed and directed the music for the viceroy’s comedia harmónica staged on 17 September 1708: El mejor escudo de Perseo Fiesta real, que en el Patio de Palacio y en teatro hermosamente eregido [se hizo]. The lavish spectacle, produced to celebrate the birth of the crown prince Luis, cost 30,000 pesos. As if the sumptuous costumes and changes of scenery in this “musical play” were not enough, Oms y Santa Pau continued during the next two years patronizing other lesser works called serenatas or pastorales with Ceruti’s music to educate the Lima élite in the latest Italian vogues. From about 1721 to 1728 Ceruti directed music at Trujillo Cathedral—returning to take the post of maestro de capilla at Lima on 1 August 1728. Ceruti’s large extant repertoire at the Archivo Arzobispal in Lima, the Seminario de San Antonio Abad at Cusco, from La Plata/Sucre Cathedral transferred to the Bolivian National Library at Sucre, and scattered elsewhere in South America, reveals him to have been the first Lima maestro who made a habit of writing da capo arias; he also wrote more brilliantly for paired violins than any of the Spanish-descended Lima chapelmasters. On the other hand, he was accused by Toribio del Campo of forgetting melody in the interest of figuration and harmonic sequences. Del Campo’s article in the Mercurio Peruano (16 February 1792) deplores Ceruti’s “straying” (descaminos) from the right road of melodic beauty.
With admirable patriotic fervor, Del Campo preferred José de Orejón y Aparicio (b. Huacho, 1706; d. Lima, May 1765). The most gifted native-born Peruvian composer of the colonial period, Orejón became Lima Cathedral’s chief organist on 3 October 1742 and titular chapelmaster on 9 April 1764. The bittersweet melancholy of his Sacrament solo cantata, Ya que el sol misterioso, and the sensuous charm of his tiple duet honoring Our Lady of Copacabana, A del día de la fiesta (transcribed in Stevenson 1975b: 247–67), distinguish him from other more prosaic native-born South Americans of his century—the industrious Juan de Herrera (ca. 1667–1738) of Bogotá, for example. To be sure, Herrera (appointed Bogotá Cathedral maestro 16 January 1703) belonged aesthetically with the Baroque, as his 26 Latin and nine vernacular works in the Bogotá archives amply reveal. Grandeur and power distinguish Herrera’s polychoral Masses; a breezy raciness informs his festive villancicos.
Neither Paraguay, nor Chile, nor Argentina produced homegrown composers of the caliber of Orejón y Aparicio or Herrera during the colonial period. The Italian composer Domenico Zipoli (b. Prato, Italy, 16 October 1688; d. Córdoba, Argentina, 2 January 1726), did, however, work for some years in Argentina. While Jesuit church organist at Rome, Zipoli had published a widely hailed keyboard collection, Sonate d’intavolatura per organo e cimbalo (1716). Sent to South America as a Jesuit missionary, he composed after 1717 an F major Mass for three voices, paired violins, and continuo that continued being sung at Potosí as late as 1784 and was successfully revived, recorded, and published after discovery of the parts at Sucre Cathedral in 1959 by Robert Stevenson. His transcription of the entire Mass was published in Inter-American Music Review, 9/2 (1988c: 35–89). Previously it had served the forces that recorded the work on FONEMA, Qualiton SQI 4059, and the Roger Wagner Chorale that recorded the Gloria in Festival of Early Latin American Music (1975). Zipoli’s other authenticated South American works were rescued from obloquy beginning in the 1970s by the Swiss architect Hans Roth (assigned to reconstruct San Rafael and other Jesuit-founded mission churches in eastern Bolivia). Brought in 1975 to Concepción, the cathedral town of the Apostolic Vicariate of Ñuflo de Chávez, where they now belong to an outpouring of over 500 vocal and instrumental works, the collection was in 1983 for the most part photocopied by Burkhard Jungcurt (sent from Baden-Württemberg). Apart from three interrelated Zipoli masses at Concepción, his liturgical works there include three psalms (Confitebor tibi Domine [Archivo Musical Chiquitos, hereafter AMSCh, 106], Beatus vir [AMCh, 187], and Laudate Dominum omnes gentes [AMCh, 008]; four hymns [Ave maris stella [AMCh, 007], O gloriosa virginum, Tantum ergo sacramentum, Te Deum); and a Laurentian litany. In 1969, Samuel Claro Valdés documented the presence elsewhere of Zipoli’s Tantum ergo sacramentum and the Laurentian Letania Kyrie-Exaudi nos (see his catalogue of 63 works encountered by him in the nine boxes of miscellaneous music crowded near the altar of the Church of San Ignacio de Moxos at Beni, Bolivia, in 1966 [Claro Valdés 1969: 7–31]). This article, “La música en las misiones Jesuitas de Moxos,” includes also his transcriptions of nineteen measures of Zipoli’s F Major Tantum ergo sacramentum and a photograph of the alto part.
Waldemar Axel Roldán pioneered with the first attempted listing of 526 items at Concepción in his “Catálogo de manuscritos de música colonial de los archivos de San Ignacio y Concepción (Moxos y Chiquitos) de Bolivia” (1990: 225–478), including musical incipits. Roldán was also the first to register 1,238 titles, 760 of unknown authorship, the rest by 79 named composers, in his Catálogo de manuscritos coloniales de la Biblioteca Nacional de Bolivia (1986a). His Bolivian National Library music catalogue was joined in the year of its publication by Roldán’s Antología de música colonial americana (1986b). Containing 16 villancicos, the anthology includes Juan de Araujo’s Si Dios se contiene en el sacramento (verse by Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz), Antonio Durán de la Mota’s Afuera, fuera luces, and José de Orejón y Aparicio’s A del día de la fiesta, previously published in Inter-American Music Review (1985b: 74–82), plus six delights by Spaniards whose music circulated in the viceroyalties but who themselves never visited the Americas (Sebastián Durón, Fabián García Pacheco, and Juan Manuel Gaytán y Arteaga).
A prior splendid and pathbreaking Antología de la música colonial en América del Sur, gathered and edited by Samuel Claro Valdés (1974), similarly interjects villancicos by Matías Durango, José de Nebra, and Alonso Torices that circulated in South America without their having crossed the Atlantic. These intermixings document the richnesses of colonial musical culture from Mexico to Chile that reveled in imported beauties while simultanously breathing the fragrance of flowers that grew only in the Americas—Juan Pérez Bocanegra’s Hanacpachap cussicuinin (Fig. 3) comparing the Virgin with a pale blue Andean flower serving as a famous example.
FIGURE 3 HERE
Fig. 3: Four-voice Hanacpachap cussicuinin, text in Quechua, as spoken in the Inca Empire. First part-music in the New World, published in Juan Pérez Bocanegra’s Ritual formulario under Oraciones diversas (Lima: Gerónymo de Contreras, 1631, pages 708–9). Transcribed by Stevenson (1985b: 95).
Whatever were the triumphs of Peru, where Hanacpachap in 1631 was the first part-music published in the Americas, and where Torrejón y Velasco’s La púrpura de la rosa produced in 1701 glories as being the earliest extant American opera, Mexico and Guatemala did precede South America in producing native-born maestros. Moreover, after Juan Matías, Francisco López Capillas, and Juan García de Céspedes, Mexico continued to foster native-born talents at least until the middle of the eighteenth century. Manuel de Sumaya (1679/1680–1755), an international celebrity, composed the first opera mounted in North America to Silvio Stampiglia’s libretto, La Parténope. Produced 1 May 1711 in the viceregal palace in Mexico City, this opera paid tribute to Philip V’s name-day. On 7 May 1715 Mexico City Cathedral chapter appointed Sumaya to be the recently deceased Antonio de Salazar’s successor as chapelmaster. In 1738 Tomás Montaño, Mexico City Cathedral dean, took Sumaya with him when he was installed bishop of Oaxaca. After Montaño’s death (24 October 1742) Sumaya elected to remain in Oaxaca, where on 11 January 1745 the cathedral chapter named him successor to Tomás Salgado (holder of the post of Oaxaca chapelmaster since 6 December 1726). Sumaya, whom many Mexican musicologists rate the finest composer in Mexican history, left a glittering array of Latin liturgical music in all genres.
His 1714 Missa te Joseph celebrent, a 6 (copy at Oaxaca transcribed and published by Aurelio Tello in Misas de Manuel de Sumaya [Tesoro de la música polifónica de México, VIII, 1996]), pits tenor and bass soloists against a four-part SATB chorus in a dazzling proof of contrapuntal wizardry, the plainchant hymn informing every a cappella movement. Designated for a virtuoso tenor solo and four-part responding chorus supported by figured accompaniment, his G major Missa a 5 con violin y oboe is unified by a recurrent head motive (Kyrie, Sanctus, and Agnus Dei). The E minor Missa a 8 vs. y Violines is captioned “de tercer tono” in the Tiple 1 part. Again a recurrent head motive (now in all movements) binds this most brilliant and scintillating of Sumaya’s three Masses in the Oaxaca archive into a convincing concert Mass. Eduardo Mata conducted its premiere at Mexico City in 1988.
Even better known to the concertgoing public in the 1990s became Sumaya’s spectacular choral paeans paying tribute to the Blessed Virgin. The three villancicos that conclude the 18 Cantadas y villancicos de Manuel de Sumaya, published in Tesoro de la música polifónica de México, VII (1994) aptly illustrate Sumaya’s splendors. Celebren, publiquen, entonen y canten, an Assumption [August 15] villancico a 7 in D major (first published in Tesoro III  and recorded in their album Mexican Baroque by Chanticleer in 1994), rises to an iridescent stretto climax at the salutation to Our Lady “por Pura, por Reina, por Virgen, por Madre.” The coplas a 2 (alto and tenor) intercalate two lines of verse with instrumental comments. Three violins and clarín join the rapidly skipping eighth-notes and running sixteenths in the accompanying figured bass that descends to low C natural and never balks at added sharps. This villancico is one of the peak triumphs of its generation.
The cover sheet of the polychoral villancico that concludes the volume of 18 Cantadas y villancicos de Manuel de Sumaya (Tesoro VII, 1994) reads: “Vill.co â 8 con Violines, Ovôe, Violoncello,/y Viola/A la Assum.n dela Reyna del Cielo./ Angelicas milicias/ Mtro. Sumaya/Son 14. papeles.” In B flat major (one-flat signature), this monumental tribute to the Queen of Heaven contains numerous brief junctures of all eight voices that document Sumaya’s prowess in writing real eight-part counterpoint. In the estribillo (refrain) oboe and bajo (bajón) usually discourse in antiphony with the three string parts (two violins and viola). Delightful intermeshing of solo oboe and strings permeates the three coplas (strophes) sung by reconstructed alto and tenor. The exuberant galloping rhythmic figure repeatedly exploited in the estribillo lends great dash, and—abetted by the vigorous skipping about of the instrumental bass—ensures constant excited impulse. Sung at implied speed, the entire work would hardly exceed seven minutes, but the rich chordal vocabulary (including territory foreign to B flat [A flat, D flat in bars 25–27 of the estribillo, for example]) ensures a constantly kaleidoscopic soundscape.
Six of the eighteen works in this volume of Cantadas y villancicos are self-identified on manuscript cover sheets as cantadas, nine as villancicos. The texts of eleven of the eighteen items pay tribute to St. Peter (Nos. 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15), three of which homages are cantadas. All Petrine items, those with dates not later than 1729 on the covers, as well as undated items, were composed before Sumaya’s departure from Mexico City for Oaxaca in 1738. Sumaya’s villancico a 4, Al prodigio mayor (Ex. 8), in the Guatemala City Cathedral archive, is dedicated to “Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe,” patroness of Mexico.
EXAMPLE 8 HERE 4 8×11 pages of music
Ex. 8: Manuel de Sumaya, Al prodigio mayor, villancico a 4 with unfigured continuo in B flat (one flat signature) at Guatemala City Cathedral Archive (Stevenson 1970b: 105). Transcribed by Robert Stevenson (1985b: 114–17).
Sumaya’s Magnificats in tones I, II, and III (Museo Virreinal, Tepotzotlán, choirbook dated 1717, folios 4v–22), his psalms (1717 choirbook), hymn strophes (MCCB vb), and Lamentations (MCCB IV, folios 22v–33), count among the most profound and beautiful monuments of native-born colonial genius in any of the arts. Together with his twelve villancicos at Guatemala (Ex. 8) and 25 in Oaxaca, these works expose brilliant facets of his kaleidoscopic genius.
During the interregnum following Sumaya’s exit from the capital, the Mexico City Cathedral chapter cast about vainly for a worthy successor. The Italian Ignacio Jerusalem y Stella (b. Lecce, 3 June 1707, emigrated to Mexico in 1743, contracted at Cádiz in 1742 to compose theater music) took the reins in 1750 and died in December 1769. His Matins for the Virgin of Guadalupe, premiered at Mexico City Cathedral in 1764 and edited in full orchestral score by Craig H. Russell in 1997, was taken on tour by Chanticleer in 1998, and was everywhere in California and Mexico hailed by ecstatic audiences and enthusiastic newspaper critics.
In 1749 the cathedral authorities had accepted Jerusalem as interim chapelmaster and he took over his duties in 1750. Within three years efforts were being made to replace him. He attended when he pleased, performed theater music in sacred precincts, disdained Spanish liturgical traditions, and charged for instruction that his contract obliged him to give gratis. A decade rife with complaints against his negligence brought no relief. Only during the last eight years before his death in 1769 did he amend his freewheeling ways. What protected him against all charges was a pronounced creative talent that took flight in completely Italianate cantatas of rarest charm. His works, in demand from Guatemala to Alta California (at Santa Barbara a Jerusalem Mass is the oldest composition in the Mission archives), survive in enormous profusion in the Mexico City Cathedral archives. Only Antonio Juanas, his Spanish-born successor in the post of Mexico City chapelmaster, exceeds him in the quantity of work extant.
In late 18th-century Venezuela mulatto composers grouped themselves around the wealthy Oratorian Padre Pedro Ramón Palacios y Sojo (1739–1799), who was a brother of Simón Bolívar’s maternal grandfather. The senior member of the so-called Chacao group was Juan Manuel Olivares (b. Caracas, 12 April 1760; d. El Valle [Caracas suburb] 1 March 1797). The eldest of nine children of a goldsmith, he and his father owned black slaves. His three largest cathedral-type compositions are: Lamentación Primera a solo del Viernes Sto (first Lamentation for Good Friday) for soloists, paired violins, flutes, French horns, viola, and string bass; a Salve Regina for soprano-alto-tenor vocal trio supported by strings, oboes, and horns; a Stabat Mater for vocal quartet and the same instruments specified for his Good Friday lamentation. Not only these three exquisite works but also a set of five Holy Week motets composed for Conceptionist nuns and a Magnificat con fuga al final (odd-verse, A major), survived at the Escuela de Música “José Ángel Lamas” in Caracas, in copies dated 1810 and later. This collection is currently housed at Venezuela’s National Library. His eight mulatto pupils, who made such a mark in Venezuelan musical history, were (1) Juan Antonio Caro [de Boesi] (1758–1814), composer of an orchestrally accompanied D major Mass “copied by a humble brother of St. Philip Neri’s Oratorio”; (2) Lino Gallardo (ca. 1773–22 December 1837), putative composer of the Venezuelan national anthem, dubbed “the Haydn of Caracas” in a Gazeta article (16 August 1820); (3) Juan José Landaeta (10 March 1780–17 October 1814), who disputes with Gallardo the title of having composed Gloria al bravo pueblo; (4) Juan Luis Landaeta (ca. 1772–26 March 1812), a physician, slave-owner, and double-bass player; (5) Pedro Pereira, the organist of San Felipe Neri whom Padre Sojo remembered with 50 pesos in his will; (6) Marcos Pompa, also bequeathed 50 pesos by Padre Sojo; (7) José Francisco Velásquez, Olivares’ brother-in-law, an extremely prolific composer whose earliest extant orchestral Mass is dated 1787, and father of a homonymous son also a composer; and (8) Mateo Villalobos, flutist, bequeathed 100 pesos by Padre Sojo.
Not only does the work of these Venezuelan mulattos or pardos eschew anything “African” but also their works remained sufficiently popular to be copied and recopied throughout the nineteenth century. Venezuela alone among Spanish American nations continued revering and reviving the works of her late colonial composers. To the mulatto group were joined two European-descended composers of prime consequence: Cayetano Carreño (b. Caracas, 7 August 1774–4 March 1836) and José Ángel Lamas (b. Caracas, 2 August 1775–9 December 1814). Carreño served as cathedral maestro de capilla from 3 June 1796 until his death 40 years later. Lamas, for whom the national school of music is named, was cathedral bajonista from 1796 to his death. His Popule meus, composed in 1801 when he was 26, has been continually sung throughout the intervening years and for decades was considered the supreme masterpiece in the entire Venezuelan colonial repertoire. Publication since 1942 of his orchestral Mass in D (composed in 1810), his Gran Miserere, and his Salve Regina in E flat prove him no less a master in the composition of larger works. The continued viability of the Venezuelan colonial repertoire redounds all the more to the national credit, because all composers thus far named were born and educated in Venezuela. They also adhered to the independence cause. The continued currency of music by Juan Antonio Caro [de Boesi], who was shot at Cumaná 16 October 1814, exemplifies what patriotic sacrifice can do to ensure a composer’s lasting fame.
The foremost mulato composer born in the Caribbean during the eighteenth century was Joseph Boulogne, Chevalier de Saint-Georges (b. Guadeloupe, 1739; d. Paris, 1799), who studied music in Saint-Domingue with the Black violinist Joseph Platon before emigrating to Paris in 1752. In Paris he built up a reputation comparable with that of Gossec (1734–1829). Beginning in 1775 he published eleven symphonies concertantes, three symphonies, ten violin concertos, fourteen string quartets, twelve sonatas for piano and violin, and numerous smaller pieces. His operas included the three-act Ernestine (Paris, Comédie-Italienne, 19 July 1777), La Chasse (12 October 1778), and a two-act “comédie melée de ballets,” L’Amant anonyme (8 March 1780). Joseph [Platon] played an unspecified Saint-Georges violin concerto at Port-au-Prince on 25 April 1780. Saint-Georges’ orchestral works, listed in Barry S. Brook’s La symphonie française dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1962: II, 641–49), include his Symphonie concertante in G, Op. 13 [published in III, 143–70). The Black Composers Series, I (1974, reissued 1987), pioneered with recordings of his Symphony No. 1 in G (Op. 11, No. 1), String Quartet No. 1 in C (Op. 1, No. 1), Symphonie concertante in G (Op. 13), and a Scena from his opera Ernestine. Musical Heritage Society’s The Instrumental Art of the Chevalier de Saint-Georges (MHS 4788A) and Arion’s issue of the Chamber Orchestra of Versailles’s recordings of three violin concertos (ARN 38346 and 90632) establish Saint-Georges as the most written about and recorded colonial American-born composer of any race. However, it must be conceded that settlement on the European continent proved an indispensable prerequisite to his fame. His international success as an athlete and his personal charisma were also factors favoring him.
The brilliance of concert and operatic life in Cap-Français, Saint-Marc, Léogane, Cayes, Jérémie, Petit-Goave, Jacmel, and especially Port-au-Prince (present-day Haiti) during the 27 years that can be documented from the Gazette de St.-Domingue, Avis Divers et Petites Affiches Américaines, and other later newspapers covering 1764 to 1791, rivaled or exceeded contemporary musical offering in the Spanish viceroyalties. Apart from 23 operas by Grétry, six by Philidor, and lesser numbers of works for the lyric stage by Gluck, Dalayrac, Monsigny, Rousseau, and Pergolesi, at least three operas by locally based composers were produced: Dufresne’s Laurette (28 October 1775), Bissery’s Le Sourd dupé (21 June 1777), and Bouquet disputé (18 June 1783). Dufresne composed also a grande symphonie concertante à deux orchestres et à echo (25 August 1778) and Bissery a concerto sur forte-piano (22 February 1777). Petit at Port-au-Prince wrote two concertos (8 July 1783, 15 June 1785), Fontaine composed “ariettes” and “choeurs” for L’Amant Loup-Garou ou Monsieur Rodomont (16 November 1779). Rivière, a Black composer, wrote symphonies concertantes performed at Cayes (12 October 1785), and also “ariettes à grande orchestre,” sérénades champêtres and pot-pourris for “grand orchestre” (4 March, 23 November 1786; 18 January 1787). Maulan tried his hand at local color compositions (24 January 1788; 11 March 1790).
The first Black violinists in the Cap-Français theater orchestra were three pupils of Tasset aged fifteen, sixteen, and seventeen in 1764 and 1765. Rivière played a solo in the Port-au-Prince production of Grétry’s Le Tableau parlant on 28 December 1779, and on 31 December 1781 the mandoline in a concerto for mandoline and guitar. Julien, another Black violinist, played violin solos in a Davaux symphonie concertante (25 April 1780). Two mulatto sisters, Minette and Lise, sang in numerous concerts and operas of the 1780s, Grétry accounting for at least five of their operas: Sylvain, Zémire et Azor, Aucassin et Nicolette, L’Amant jaloux, and La Caravane du Caire.
Cuba’s leading 18th-century composer was Esteban Salas y Castro (b. Havana, 25 December 1725–d. Santiago de Cuba, 14 July 1803), maestro de capilla of Santiago de Cuba Cathedral from 1764. As catalogued by Pablo Hernández Balaguer (1961: 43–59), his villancicos in that cathedral archive ran to 52. Eighteen masses, five psalms, twelve antiphons, 29 alleluia verses, and other small liturgical works attest his sensitivity in Latin-text music. Although he wrote no virtuoso string or vocal parts, his command of figuration and his control of meshing lines ranks him as a studious and frequently inspired composer who does not need the false sobriquet of “being the first native-born western hemisphere composer” (Martín 1971: 24) to justify his renown.
When the cry of Dolores (16 September 1810) heralded Mexican independence both the cathedrals of Mexico City and Puebla were employing foreign-born maestros. Lima—where Bartolomé Mazza (b. Novi Liguri, Italy, ca. 1725; d. Lima, 1799) had been the dominant figure as opera impresario and leader in all other phases of theatrical life during the late eighteenth century—continued to favor Italians. The cathedral employed as chapelmaster from 1807 to 1823 the Genoa-born cellist Andrés Bolognesi. At Buenos Aires, seat of a viceroyalty since 1776, the chief theater composer from 1787 to 1792 was Antonio Aranaz, a native of Santander. The cathedral organist from 1781 to 1813 was the Basque Juan Bautista Gaiburú (b. Guipúzcoa, 1719; d. Buenos Aires, 1831). Blas Parera (b. Murcia, 1776 of Catalan parentage; d. Mataró near Barcelona, 7 January 1840) had arrived in Buenos Aires in 1797 and in 1812 composed the Argentine national anthem, before returning to Spain in 1818. The maestro de capilla of Santiago de Chile Cathedral on the eve of independence was yet another Catalan, José de Campderrós, born at Barcelona. Chile’s receptivity to Catalans even extended to the Chilean national anthem, composed (on commission from the Chilean envoy in London) by Ramón Carnicer (1789–1855).
Political independence merely strengthened the central role which European-born composers had come to play in the musical life of late colonial Spanish America. From Argentina to Mexico, throughout the nineteenth century, every nation that could afford imports fattened itself on a preponderantly foreign musical diet. Thus, the long struggle for political independence in Spanish America ironically produced regimes that all too frequently abdicated their responsibility to foster local composers, support local performers, and train local musicians.
MUSICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN COLONIAL BRAZIL
Literary references gathered in Robert Stevenson’s “Some Portuguese Sources for Early Brazilian Music History” (1968c) document radiant happenings all along the northeastern coast during the centuries before the capital of the viceroyalty was moved from Bahia (founded in 1549) in 1763. Nonetheless, Brazil’s extant musical patrimony does not surface until the second half of the eighteenth century. The earliest music with a Portuguese text (found by Régis Duprat) is a cantata dated 1759 consisting of recitative and da capo aria for soprano, paired violins, and continuo. Sung at Bahia during the 6 July 1759 session of the newly founded Academia dos Renascidos, this cantata celebrates the recovery from an illness of the academy’s patron José Mascarenhas Pacheco Pereira de Mello, who had recently arrived from Lisbon (recorded in Música Sud-Americana do Século XVIII, Chanticleer CMG 1030).
The veteran mestre de capela of Bahia Cathedral who presumably wrote this delightful cantata, showing complete command of the Italian style in vogue at Lisbon in 1759, was Caetano de Mello Jesus—a native of the Bahia region and a protégé of a rich elected official of the Academia dos Renascidos. In 1759–1750 he completed his Escola de Canto de Orgão, the lengthiest and most profound music treatise written in the Americas before 1850. The exquisitely copied two tomes sent to Portugal for publication at the expense of a local friend of Mello Jesus, but never printed, reside in the Biblioteca Pública at Évora, with call numbers CXXVI/I/1 and I/2. The second volume contains addenda by Brazilian-born mestres de capela in Recife (Ignácio Ribeiro Pimenta) and Rio de Janeiro (António Nunes de Siqueira). In 1985 the Gulbenkian Foundation at Lisbon did publish José Augusto Alegria’s edition of the incendiary polemical portion of the second volume. Mello Jesus argued for the use of all the key-signatures used in J. S. Bach’s Das wohltemperiertes Klavier (1722 and 1744). Unfortunately, however, none of Mello Jesus’s music using seven-sharp or any other signatures survives at Bahia, where all colonial music seems to have perished. Nonetheless, copious data concerning colonial music in Bahia, Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro, and São Paulo does survive in Lisbon and Évora repositories and can be sampled in Robert Stevenson’s previously mentioned “Some Portuguese Sources for Early Brazilian Music History” (1968c: 1–43).
Luis Álvares Pinto (1719–1789), born in Recife of mulatto parents, displayed such musical talent that friends raised money for him to study in Lisbon with the cathedral organist Henrique da Silva Negrão. In 1761 Pinto wrote a 43-page manuscript treatise Arte de solfejar, now in the Biblioteca Nacional in Lisbon, that compares most advantageously with the earliest surviving Peruvian treatises—José Onofre Antonio de la Cadena’s printed Cartilla Musica y primera parte que contiene un methodo facil de aprehenderla à cantar (Lima, Niños Espósitos, 1763) and manuscript Dialogo Cathe-musico (no date, Seville, Archivo General de Indias, Indiferente General 1316). A devotee of 18th-century French treatises, Pinto nonetheless cites the chief theorists who had written in Spanish: Francisco de Montanos, Cerone, and Andrés Lorente. Among writers in Portuguese, he is familiar with Pedro Thalesio (Arte de Canto Chão, 1618 and 1628), António Ferandes, João Álvares Frouvo, and Frouvo’s pupil Manoel Nunes da Sylva (Arte minima, 1685, 1704, 1725). Cristóbal de Morales ranks as the earliest composer whom he considers a still valid model. On returning to Recife, Pinto served São Pedro dos Clérigos as mestre de capela. His perquisites, like those of other court-appointed Brazilian chapelmasters, included the right to license and collect fees from other local musicians who made their living playing for weddings, funerals, and festivals. Pinto’s own lost works include three hymns to Nossa Senhora da Penha and Mãe do Povo with texts by the Olinda-born poet, Manoel de Souza Magalhães (1744–1800), Maitinas for São Pedro and for Santo António, numerous ladainhas, a Passion, and various sonatas. Jaime C. Diniz recovered and published at Recife in 1968 Pinto’s Te Deum, a 4 with continuo.
While the Te Deum cannot be claimed to open any new paths, Pinto’s reputation has since 1966 grown spectacularly as a result of the musical excerpts in his manuscript treatise completed in 1776, Muzico e Moderno Systema para Solfejar sem Confuzão (The musician and a modern system of solfaing withot confusion). In the private possession of Pedro Gastão de Orleans e Bragança (Arquivo Grão Pará, Petrópolis), this treatise contains five Marian motets investigated in 1982 by Mercedes de Moura Reis Pequeno and Ernani Aguiar (Valladares 1982: II, 12–27). Paulo Castagna’s transcriptions of Beata Virgo and Benedicta tu in mulieribus, both a 3, and the four-voice Quae est ista quae quasi aurora, Efficieris gravida, and Oh pulchra est et decora, establish Pinto as the most daring and harmonically imaginative composer of his generation in Portuguese-speaking territory. The vigorous four-movement A minor suite that closes his Lições de Solfejo in the same 1776 treatise fills a void in the colonial Brazilian repertoire with dances for a keyboard-accompanied solo treble instrument, preferably oboe, that present-day audiences will savor with unbounded delight.
In the mid-1940s Francisco Curt Lange began recovering the music of a pleiad of 18th-century Minas Gerais mulatto composers headed by José Joaquim Emérico Lôbo de Mesquita (b. Vila do Príncipe [= Serro], 12 October 1746; d. Rio de Janeiro, April 1805). The natural son of the Portuguese adventurer José Lôbo de Mesquita and his slave Joaquina Emerenciana, the composer began the study of music with the mestre de capela of Nossa Senhora da Conceição church in the town of his birth. From about 1776 to 1798 he pursued a career combining church organ playing, office holding in various confraternities, and military service (alferes do Terço de Infantaria dos Pardos) at Arraial do Tijuco (= Diamantina), Minas Gerais. His many pupils at Arraial do Tijuco included his successor as organist of Santo Antônio church, José Lopes. Lôbo de Mesquita’s extant oeuvre includes at least five Masses (in F ca. 1780, in E flat, ca. 1782, the rest undated), six Novenas, four ladainhas, two Magnificats, three motets, four Marian antiphons, a Stabat Mater, a Te Deum, and various lesser works. Other members of the Minas Gerais mulatto group recovered by Curt Lange include Inácio Parreiras Neves (ca. 1730–ca.1793), Francisco Gomes da Rocha (ca. 1746–1808), Marcos Coelho Neto (1746–1806), and his son Marcos Coelho Neto Filho (1763–1823)—all four of whom pursued their careers at Vila Rica de Albuquerque (= Ouro Preto). In 1951 Curt Lange began publishing what relics he had by then gathered in his Archivo de música religiosa de la “Capitanía Geral das Minas Gerais,” Brasil, siglo XVIII (Lange 1951; 1967–1968; 1968; see also Curt Lange’s publications in Stevenson 1980f: X, 446–47).
Until Pernambuco and Minas Gerais began yielding their colonial music treasures, Rio de Janeiro was always regarded as the principal center of composition. José Maurício Nunes Garcia (b. 22 September 1767; d. 30 April 1830), born and educated at Rio de Janeiro, composed his first dated composition, Tota pulchra es Maria, in 1783. Ordained deacon on 17 December 1791 and priest on 3 March 1792, Nunes Garcia found no bar to his career through his color (he was a mulatto). From 1791 to 1798 he was mestre de capela of the Igreja da Irmandade de S. Pedro dos Clérigos. On 2 July 1798 he succeeded João Lopes Ferreira as cathedral chapelmaster. For Christmas 1799 he composed Maitinas consisting of eight responsories, each an elaborate symphonic movement (instrumentation: violins 1 and 2, flute, 2 clarinets, 2 bassoons, 2 horns, 2 trumpets, figured organ part). Published in 1978, these Maitinas already demonstrate that he was a composer capable of competing successfully with the Eyblers and Süssmayrs of his epoch. When the royal court arrived in January 1808, Nunes Garcia was 41 and at the height of his creative powers. On 15 June the newly arrived bishop D. José Caetano da Silva Coutinho transferred the cathedral from the Igreja da Irmandade de Na Sa do Rosário e S. Benedito dos Homens de Côr to the Carmelite friars’ church. On 26 November (1808) the Prince Regent Dom João assigned Nunes Garcia 600,000 réis yearly for being director and organist of the Real Capela and for giving music lessons to Rio de Janeiro youth at his house on the Rua das Marrecas.
Like all previously mentioned Brazilian mulattos, Nunes Garcia spent a long and fruitful career composing nothing reminiscent of Africa. Instead, all 237 works painstakingly catalogued in Cleofe Person de Mattos, Catálogo temático das obras do padre José Maurício Nunes Garcia (Rio de Janeiro, 1970), belong firmly to the European musical tradition. His favorite composers were Haydn, Mozart, and Rossini. These are the three masters excerpted as examples for his sons Apolinário José (b. 1807) and José Maurício (b. 1808) to imitate when, in 1821, he wrote a Compendio de música expressly for their instruction. As proof of his devotion to Mozart on 19 December 1819—at the Igreja do Parto in Rio de Janeiro—he conducted the first South American performance of Mozart’s Requiem. According to Sigismund Neukomm (1778–1858), a pupil of Michael and Joseph Haydn who spent 1816 to 1821 in Rio de Janeiro, Nunes Garcia on that occasion conducted a performance with full orchestra which, he wrote for the Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung of Leipzig (19 July 1820), “left nothing to be desired.” Neukomm’s enthusiasm for another mulatto, Joaquim Manoel da Câmara, inspired him to copy twenty of his modinhas into a manuscript bequeathed to the Paris Conservatoire (MS 7694), sixteen of which he provided with piano accompaniment. Neukomm’s fantasy for flute and piano, L’Amoureux, Op. 41 (Conservatoire MS 7703), is based on a sultry Joaquim Manoel modinha. His piano caprice, O Amor Brasileiro, Op. 40, draws from a bold anonymous lundú.
Even allowing for the loss of manuscripts after the death of José Maurício Nunes Garcia, his extant Masses number nineteen, his Requiems and funeral offices twelve, his Graduals 26. In comparison with his 225 extant sacred works with Latin texts, his secular works number only ten. They include Zemira, an overture composed in 1803, incidental music for a heroic drama Ulissea played on 24 June 1809, and incidental music for a drama by Gastão Gausto da Câmara Coutinho presented on 13 May 1810, O Triunfo da América. Edited by Cleofe Person de Mattos, the scores of the Sinfonia Fúnebre and Zemira (both recorded in José Maurício 1830–1980, Album comemorativo, 1980), are published in Barry S. Brook, The Symphony 1720–1840 (1984: 55–81 and 83–108). His first printed work was the modinha with piano accompaniment Beijo a mão que me condena (Rio de Janeiro, Pierre Laforge, 1837). The important work on Father José Maurício by Cleofe Person de Mattos culminated in 1997 with the publication of his Biografía.
Although in 1995 the largest city on the continent, and the third largest in the world, São Paulo (16.533 million) lagged during the colonial epoch. True, in 1774 the Bahian mulatto António Manso da Mota directed performances in a Teatro da Opera built in about 1750. But the earliest surviving musical documents are some 200 sacred works by the Lisbon-born and trained André da Silva Gomes (1752–1844) whom at age 21 the newly consecrated bishop of São Paulo, Frei Manuel da Ressurreição, appointed cathedral mestre de capela, a post he held until 1822. Régis Duprat’s doctoral dissertation, “Música na Matriz e Sé de São Paulo colonial” (University of Brasília, 1966), followed by his publication of a Silva Gomes Mass remain fundamental, and were treated as such in Stevenson’s “Some Portuguese Sources for Early Brazilian Music History” (1968c: 1–43).
*Editor’s note: This chapter on colonial music was originally entrusted to the distinguished Chilean musicologist Samuel Claro Valdés (1934–1994), who shared the coordinatorship of these volumes with Malena Kuss from the beginning of the Universe of Music project ca. 1980 until 1993. A reconstruction of Claro Valdés’s draft, which remained incomplete at the time of his death in 1994, will be attempted in the future. I am deeply grateful to Robert Stevenson, my mentor at UCLA from 1964 until 1976 and dissertation supervisor (1973–1976), for a lifetime of professional support, which included his willingness to write a considerably expanded and revised version of “The Music of Colonial Spanish America” and “A Note on the Music of Colonial Brazil,” originally published in Vol. 2 of The Cambridge History of Latin America, edited by Leslie Bethell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), and for granting permission to publish his transcriptions of colonial music, previously published by him in Inter-American Music Review (1985: 6/2 and 7/1). We gratefully acknowledge the permission granted by Cambridge University Press to use previously published material, and the kind and prompt response of Marc Anderson, Permissions Department, Cambridge University Press.
Editor’s note: Since 2019, the University of Chile offers free access to all issues of Inter-American Music Review <https://iamr.uchile.cl/index.php/IAMR/about>
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__________ 1974. Antología de la música colonial en América del Sur. Santiago de Chile: Ediciones de la Universidad de Chile.
__________ 1979. Oyendo a Chile. Santiago: Editorial Andrés Bello.
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__________ 1971. “Velhos organistas da Bahia, 1559–1745,” Universitas (Revista de cultura da Universidade da Bahia) 10: 5–42.
__________ 1972. “Uma notícia sobre a música no Brasil dos séculos XVI e XVII,” Estudos universitarios (Recife, Revista da Universidade Federal de Pernambuco) 12/2: 41–58.
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__________ 1968. “Música na matriz e sé de São Paulo colonial,” Revista de história (São Paulo, Universidade de São Paulo), 37: 85–104.
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García Muñoz, Carmen 1981. “Aproximación a la obra de Juan de Araujo,” Revista del Instituto de Investigación Musicológica “Carlos Vega” (Buenos Aires) 4: 25–65.
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Green, Samuel A. 1899. A second supplementary list of early American imprints. Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Harshbarger, George Allen 1985. “The ‘Mass in G’ by Ignacio Jerusalem and its place in the California Mission music repertory” (DMA document: University of Washington).
Hernández Balaguer, Pablo 1961. Catálogo de música de los archivos de la catedral de Santiago de Cuba y del Museo Bacardí. La Habana: Departamento de Música de la Biblioteca Nacional “José Martí.”
__________ 1986. Los villancicos, cantadas y pastorelas de Esteban Salas. La Habana: Editorial Letras Cubanas.
Housty, Enid Patricia 1970. The Graduale Dominicale (México: Pedro Ocharte, 1576) of Juan Hernández (PhD diss., Musicology: Catholic University of America).
Illari, Bernardo 1996a . “La música que, sin embargo, fue: La capilla musical del Obispado de Tucumán (siglo XVII),” Revista argentina de musicología (Buenos Aires) 1: 17–55.
__________ 1996b . “Ópera para el Otro, una ópera: El caso de San Ignacio de Loyola / Chiquitos y Moxos,” Revista argentina de musicología (Buenos Aires) 1: 162.
Jerusalem, Ignacio (1707–1769) in 1997. Matins for the Virgin of Guadalupe by Ignacio Jerusalem y Stella, full orchestral score, Mexico City Cathedral, 1764, transcribed and edited by Craig H. Russell. Los Osos, California: Russell Editions. [Full orchestral score, 342 pages; Russell Editions, 541 Lilac Drive, Los Osos, California 95402.]
Kennedy, T. Frank 1988. “Colonial music from the Episcopal Archive of Concepción, Bolivia,” Latin American music review 9/1: 1–17.
Koegel, John 1994. “Spanish and Mexican dance music in early California,” Ars musica Denver 7/1: 31–55.
Lange, Francisco Curt 1946. “La música en Minas Gerais, un informa preliminar,” Boletín latinoamericano de música (Montevideo) 6: 409–94.
__________ 1951. Archivo de música religiosa de la “Capitanía Geral das Minas Gerais,” siglo XVIII. Mendoza (Argentina).
__________ 1967–1968. “La música en Villa Rica (Minas Gerais, siglo XVIII),” Revista musical chilena 102–103: 5–129.
__________ 1968. “Os irmãos músicos da Irmandade de São Paulo dos Homens Pardos, de Vila Rica,” Yearbook of the Inter-American Institute for Musical Research IV: 110–60.
__________ 1970. “A música barrôca,” Minas Gerais, terra e povo. Porto Alegre: Editora Globo, 239–80.
Lehnhoff, Dieter 1986. Espada y pentagrama: La música polifónica en la Guatemala del siglo XVI. Guatemala: Universidad Rafael Landívar.
__________ 1990. The villancicos of the Guatemalan composer Raphael Antonio Castellanos (d. 1791): A selective edition and critical commentary (PhD diss., Musicology: Catholic University of America).
Lemmon, Alfred E. 1986. La música de Guatemala en el siglo XVIII / Music from eighteenth-century Guatemala. Antigua Guatemala: Centro de Investigaciones Regionales de Mesoamérica; South Woodstock, Vermont: Plumsock Mesoamerican Studies.
__________ 1989. “Jesuit chroniclers and historians of colonial Spanish America: Sources for the ethnomusicologist,” Inter-American music review 10/2: 119–29.
León, Martín de 1613. Relación delas exequias que el exmo Sr. D. Juan de Mendoça … Virrei del Piru hizo de la muerte dela Reina. Lima: Pedro de Merchán y Calderón.
Madsen, Wanda Jean 1984. “Mexican Mission music: A descriptive analysis and comparison of two seventeenth-century chant books” (DMA document: University of Oklahoma).
Martín, Edgardo 1971. Panorama histórico de la música cubana. La Habana: Cuadernos CEU—Universidad de La Habana.
Mattos, Cleofe Person de 1970. Catálogo temático das obras do Padre José Maurício Nunes Garcia. Rio de Janeiro: Ministério da Educação e Cultura, Conselho Federal de Cultura.
__________ 1997. José Maurício Nunes Garcia: Biografía. Rio de Janeiro: Ministério da Cultura—Fundação Biblioteca Nacional, Departamento Nacional do Livro.
Mayer-Serra, Otto 1947. Música y músicos de Latinoamérica. México: Editorial Atlante, 2 vols. [Brings together in a systematic way material extracted from previous publications.]
Medina, Ángel 1989. “Un nuevo manuscrito del Tratado de Guitarra de Vargas y Guzmán (Cádiz, 1773),” Inter-American music review 10/2: 61–67.
Merino Montero, Luis 1990. “José White in Chile: National and international repercussions,” Inter-American music review 11/1: 87–112.
Mexico City Archdiocese 1556. Constituciones del arçobispado … de Tenuxtitlan Mexico. México: Juan Pablos.
Mexico City Cathedral 1650–1653. Actas Capitulares, XI.
Mexico City Cathedral 1664–1667. Actas Capitulares, XVI.
Moreno, Salvador, editor 1980. Ángeles músicos: Homenaje a Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz. México: Published by Salvador Moreno.
Nawrot, Piotr 1994. Música de vísperas en las reducciones de Chiquitos-Bolivia (1691–1767). Obras de Domenico Zipoli y maestros jesuitas e indígenas anónimos. La Paz: Imprenta “Don Bosco.”
Nichols, David Clifford 1975. Francisco Delgado and classicism in Mexican music as exhibited in the “Missa a quatro voces” (PhD diss., Musicology: Indiana University).
Nowotny, Karl A. 1956. “Die Notation des Tono in den Aztekischen Cantares,” Baessler-Archiv, Neue Folge 4/2 (XXIX Band) (December).
Pacquier, Alain 1996. Les Chemins du baroque dans le Nouveau Monde. Paris: Librairie Arthème Fayard. [Contains details concerning the Jesuit “mission opera” edited by Bernardo Illari from anonymous sources in the archives of Concepción and San Ignacio de Mojos, Bolivia.]
Pardo Tovar, Andrés 1966. La cultura musical en Colombia. Bogotá: Ediciones Lerner. [Sponsored by the Academia Colombiana de Historia; Historia extensa de Colombia, 20; Las artes en Colombia, 6.]
Paso y Troncoso, Francisco del 1940. Epistolario de Nueva España 1505–1818, XII. México: Antigua Libraría Robredo.
Perdomo Escobar, José Ignacio 1963. Historia de la música en Colombia, 3rd edition. Bogotá: Editorial ABC [Biblioteca de historia nacional, 103]. Fourth edition, Editorial ABC, 1971. [Perdomo Escobar (1917–1980) included important colonial data in the 3rd and 4th editions of his Historia, first published in 1945.]
Pereira Salas, Eugenio 1941. Los orígenes del arte musical en Chile. Santiago: Imprenta Universitaria. [The work of Pereira Salas (1904–1979) still remains a model of method even though superseded in some factual aspects by Samuel Claro Valdés, Oyendo a Chile (1979).]
Plaza, Juan Bautista 1958. Música colonial venezolana. Caracas: Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, Universidad Central de Venezuela [Colección Espacio y Forma, 4].
__________ 1990. Temas de música colonial venezolana, biografías, análisis y documentación. Caracas: Fundación “Vicente Emilio Sojo” [Series Investigaciones, 8].
Plaza y Manrique, Ramón de la 1883. Ensayos sobre el arte en Venezuela. Caracas: Imprenta al Vapor de “La Opinión Nacional.” Facsimile reprint in Colección Clásicos Venezolanos, Serie Historia 6: Ediciones de la Presidencia de la República, 1977. Prefaces by Luis García Morales, Alfredo Boulton, and José Antonio Calcaño.
Querol Gavaldá, Miguel 1989. “Notas bibliográficas sobre compositores de los que existen música en la Catedral de Puebla,” Inter-American music review 10/2: 49–60.
Quito Cathedral. Libro del Cabildo desta Santa Iglesia … de 1562 a 1585.
Radomsky, James 1991. “Manuel García in Mexico (1827–1828); Part I,” Inter-American music review 12/1: 119–27.
__________ 1992. The life and works of Manuel del Populo Vicente García, 1775–1832: Italian, French, and Spanish opera in early nineteenth-century romanticism (PhD diss., Musicology: University of California at Los Angeles).
__________ 1993. Review of “Vespers music in the Paraguay reductions” by Piotr Nawrot (DMA document: Catholic University of America, 1993) in Inter-American music review 13/2: 157–59. [Review includes summary of dissertation contents.]
__________ 1994. “Manuel García in Mexico (1827–1828): Part III,” Inter-American music review 14/1: 107–29.
Ramírez, Serafín 1891. La Habana artística. La Habana.
Ramón y Rivera, Luis Felipe 1966. La música colonial profana. Caracas: Instituto Nacional de Cultura y Bellas Artes.
Ramos Smith, Maya 1979. La danza en México durante la época colonial. La Habana: Casa de las Américas. [Reviewed in Inter-American music review 3/2 (1981): 226–27.]
Ray [Catalyne], Alice 1953. The double-choir music of Juan de Padilla, seventeenth-century composer in Mexico (PhD diss., Musicology: University of Southern California).
Raygada, Carlos 1956–1957. “Guía musical del Perú,” Fénix (Lima, Biblioteca Nacional), 12/14.
Reitz, Paul Armen 1987. “The Holy Week motets of Juan Gutiérrez de Padilla and Francisco Vidales: Single choir motets from Choirbook XV and Legajo XXX, Puebla Cathedral Archive” (DMA document: University of Washington).
Roldán, Waldemar Axel 1986a. Catálogo de manuscritos coloniales de la Biblioteca Nacional de Bolivia. Lima: Proyecto Regional del Patrimonio Cultural y Desarrollo PNUD, Instituto Boliviano de Cultura. [Reviewed by Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta in Revista de Musicología (Madrid) 12/1 (1989): 316–17.]
__________ 1990. “Catálogo de manuscritos de música colonial de los archivos de San Ignacio y Concepción (Moxos y Chiquitos) de Bolivia,” Revista del Instituto de Investigación Musicológica “Carlos Vega” (Buenos Aires) 11: 225–478.
Ruiz de Ribayaz, Lucas 1677. Lvz y Norte Mvsical. Madrid: Melchor Álvarez.
Russell, Craig H. 1995. “The Eleanor Hague Manuscript: A sampler of musical life in eighteenth-century Mexico,” Inter-American music review 14/2: 39–62.
Sáenz Poggio, José 1878 in 1947. Historia de la música guatemalteca desde la monarquía española, hasta fines del año 1877 (Guatemala: Imprenta de la Aurora, 1878), reprinted in Anales de la Sociedad de Geografía e Historia de Guatemala 22/1–2 (March 1947): 6–54.
Saldívar y Silva, Gabriel 1934. Historia de la música en México (épocas precortesiana y colonial). México: Secretaría de Educación Pública. [The historian Gabriel Saldívar y Silva (1909–1980) published at 25 his authoritative Historia; it still remains uniquely valuable. He was a paleographer who exploited numerous documents in the ecclesiastical and secular archives. He and his collaborator, his wife Elisa Osorio de Saldívar, preceded all other Latin Americans in treating their continent’s musical past dispassionately.]
Salles, Vicente 1980. Á música e o tempo no Grão-Pará. Belém: Conselho Estadual de Cultura. [Reviewed in Inter-American music review 7/2 (1986): 104–16.
Sangiorgi, Felipe 1992. “La música religiosa en la colonia venezolana,” Músicos venezolanos de la colonia. Caracas: Fundación “Vicente Emilio Sojo”—Consejo Nacional de Cultura.
Sans, Juan Francisco 1993. “Una aproximación analítica a las obras de los compositores de la Escuela de Chacao,” Revista musical de Venezuela 14/32–33: 58–77.
__________ 1997. “Nuevas perspectivas en los estudios de música colonial venezolana,” Revista musical de Venezuela 17/35:1–35.
Schechter, John Mendell 1982. Music in a northern Ecuadorian highland locus: Diatonic harp, genres, harpists, and their ritual junction in the Quechua child’s wake (PhD diss., Ethnomusicology: University of Texas at Austin), 3 vols.
Schleifer, Aliyahu Arieh 1979. The Mexican choirbooks at the Newberry Library (Case S VM 2147 C36) (PhD diss., Musicology: University of Chicago).
Seville. Archivo General de Indias, Santafé 226, 2/8.
Snow, Robert J. 1996. A New-World collection of polyphony for Holy Week and the Salve service. Guatemala City Cathedral Archive, Music MS 4. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.
Spell, Lotta M. 1946. “Music in the cathedral of Mexico in the sixteenth century,” Hispanic American historical review 26/3 (August): 293–319.
Stein, Louise 1995. “Tomás de Torrejón’s La púrpura de la rosa in the early history of opera,” Inter-American music review 14/2: 79–82.
Stevenson, Robert 1952. Music in Mexico: A historical survey. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. Reprinted in paperback (New York: Apollo Editions, 1971).
__________ 1960. The music of Peru: Aboriginal and viceroyal epochs. Washington, D.C.: Pan American Union—General Secretariat of the Organization of American States.
__________ 1963. “Music in Quito: Four centuries,” Hispanic American historical review 43/2 (May): 247–66.
__________ 1964a. “European music in 16th-century Guatemala,” The musical quarterly 50/3 (July): 341–52.
__________ 1964b. “Mexico City Cathedral music: 1600–1750,” The Americas: Quarterly review of Inter-American cultural history 21/2 (October): 111–35.
__________ 1964c. La música colonial colombiana. Cali: Instituto Popular de Cultura de Cali, Departamento de Investigaciones Folklóricas. Spanish translation by Andrés Pardo Tovar of “Colonial music in Colombia,” The Americas 19/2 (October 1962): 121–36; reprinted by the Academy of American Franciscan History (Washington, D.C., 1962); see also Revista musical chilena 16/81–82 (Julio–Diciembre 1962): 153–71.
__________ 1968a. “The Afro-American musical legacy to 1800,” The musical quarterly 54/4 (October): 475–502.
__________ 1968b. Music in Aztec and Inca territory. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Second edition, 1976.
__________ 1968c. “Some Portuguese sources for early Brazilian music history,” Yearbook of the Inter-American Institute for Musical Research IV: 1–43.
__________ 1970a. “The first New World composers: Fresh data from Peninsular archives,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 23/1: 95–106. Spanish translation in Heterofonía (Mexico City) 3/15: 4–12.
__________ 1970b. Renaissance and Baroque musical sources in the Americas. Washington, D.C.: General Secretariat, Organization of American States (includes thematic catalogue, 73 pages).
__________ 1972. “Mexican colonial music manuscripts abroad,” Notes, quarterly journal of the Music Library Association 29/2: 203–14. Spanish translation in Heterofonía 5/25: 4–11; and 5/26: 4–9.
__________ 1973a. Foundations of New World opera, with a transcription of the earliest extant American opera, 1701. Lima: Ediciones CVLTVRA. [Transcription of La púrpura de la rosa (1701) by Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco (1644–1728), with a critical preface, 115 pages.]
__________ 1973b. “The South-American lyric stage (to 1800),” Inter-American music bulletin (Pan American Union, Department of Cultural Affairs) 87 (July–October): 1–27.
__________ 1974a. Christmas music from Baroque Mexico. Berkely and Los Angeles: University of California Press [facsimiles and transcriptions, 94 pages].
__________ 1974b. Seventeenth-century villancicos from a Puebla convent archive transcribed with optional added parts for ministriles. Lima: Ediciones CVLTVRA.
__________ 1975a. A guide to Caribbean music history. Lima: Ediciones CVLTVRA (with a musical supplement). Reprinted as “Caribbean music history: A selective annotated bibliography with musical supplement,” Inter-American music review 4/1 (fall 1981), with 11 musical examples.
__________ 1975b. Latin American colonial music anthology. Washington, D.C.: General Secretariat, Organization of American States. 18 of the 40 transcriptions in the 1975 anthology, in Inter-American music review 7/1 (fall–winter 1985), which contains 41 transcriptions. [Editor’s note: The 1985 anthology in Inter-American music review—6/2 (spring–summer), with 14 transcriptions, and 7/1 (fall–winter), with 41 transcriptions—was issued ten years after the publication of Latin American colonial music anthology, and coincided with the Premio Interamericano de Cultura “Gabriela Mistral,” bestowed upon Robert Stevenson by the CIDEM and the OEA/OAS in recognition of his monumental work.]
__________ 1978a. “Ramón de la Plaza: Ensayos sobre el arte en Venezuela,” Heterofonía 11/2 (March–April): 34–36.
__________ 1978b. “Music in the San Juan, Puerto Rico Cathedral to 1900,” Revista/Review Interamericana 8: 546–69. See also Inter-American music review 1/1 (fall 1978): 73–95.
__________ 1978c. “Sixteenth- through eighteenth-century resources in Mexico: Part III,” Fontes artis musicae 25/2: 156–87.
__________ 1979a. “La música en la Catedral de Caracas hasta 1838,” Revista musical chilena 33/145 (January–March): 48–114. See also Revista musical de Venezuela 1/1 (1980): 34–54; and 2 (1980): 15–60.
__________ 1979b. “Mexico City Cathedral: The founding century,” Inter-American music review 1/2 (spring–summer): 131–78.
__________ 1979c. “Baroque music in Oaxaca Cathedral,” Inter-American music review 1/2 (spring–summer): 179–203.
__________ 1979d. “A neglected Mexican guitar manual of 1776,” Inter-American music review 1/2 (spring–summer): 205–10.
__________ 1980a. “Cuzco Cathedral: 1546–1750,” Inter-American music review 2/2 (spring–summer): 1–25.
__________ 1980b. “Guatemala Cathedral to 1800,” Inter-American music review 2/2 (spring–summer): 27–71.
__________ 1980c. “Quito Cathedral: Four Centuries,” Inter-American music review 3/1: 19–38 [with extensive bibliography].
__________ 1980d. “National Library publications in Brazil, Peru, and Venezuela,” Inter-American music review 3/1: 39–48.
__________ 1980e. “The last musicological frontier: Cathedral music in the colonial Americas,” Inter-American music review 3/1:49–54.
__________ 1980f. “Lange, Francisco Curt,” The new Grove dictionary of music and musicians, 20 vols., edited by Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, X: 446–47.
__________ 1982. “Los contactos de Haydn con el mundo ibérico,” Revista musical chilena 36: 3–39.
__________ 1983. “Música secular en Jamaica: 1688–1822,” Revista musical de Venezuela 4: 143–51.
__________ 1985a. “Hispanic American Music Treasury: 1580–1765,” Inter-American music review 6/2 (spring–summer): 1–105. [Fourteen transcriptions. Works by Juan de Araujo, Cristóbal de Belsayaga, Manuel Blasco, José Cascante, Roque Ceruti, Roque Jacinto de Chavarría, and Antonio Durán de la Mota.]
__________ 1985b. “Hispanic American Music Treasury: 1580–1765,” Inter-American music review 7/1 (fall–winter): 3–127. [Forty-one transcriptions. Works by Gaspar Fernandes, Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo, Juan García (de Zéspedes), Juan Gutiérrez de Padilla, Juan de Herrera, Tomás de Herrera, Francisco López Capillas, Manuel Thadeo de Ochoa, Juan Mat[h]ias, José de Orejón y Aparicio, Tomás Pascual, Juan Pérez Bocanegra, Antonio de Salazar, Duyn Sjntujjguy [= Manuel (de) Quiroz], Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco, Pedro Ximénez, and Manuel de Zumaya.]
__________ 1986. “La música en el México de los siglos XVI a XVIII,” La música de México, I. Historia. 2. Período virreinal (1530–1810), edited by Julio Estrada. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México—Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 1–74. [Reviewed by Esperanza Pulido and Juan José Escorza in Latin American music review 8/2 (1987).]
__________ 1987a. “Catalogue of Newberry Library Mexican choirbooks (Case MS VM 2147 C36),” Inter-American music review 9/1: 65–73.
__________ 1987b. “Mexican Baroque polyphony in foreign libraries,” Inter-American music review 9/1: 55–64.
__________ 1987c. “Mexico City Cathedral music, 1600–1675,” Inter-American music review 9/1: 75–114.
__________ 1988a. “Aztec organography,” Inter-American music review 9/2: 1–19.
__________ 1988b. “”Black dance types in Spanish dominions, 1540–1820,” Inter-American music review 9/2: 105–13.
__________ 1988c. “Zipoli’s transit through dictionaries: A tercentenary remembrance,” Inter-American music review 9/2: 21–89. [Includes transcription of Zipoli’s Mass copied at Potosí in 1784.]
__________ 1991. “Dissertations: Latin American topics,” Inter-American music review 11/2: 123–26.
__________ 1992a. “La música en la América colonial española,” Revista musical de Venezuela 12/30–31: 9–37.
__________ 1992b. “Martín de Montesdoca: Spain’s first publisher of sacred polyphony (1550s); Chantre in Guatemala Cathedral (1570s),” Inter-American music review 12/2: 5–16 [with documentary appendix].
__________ 1993. La música en las catedrales españolas del Siglo de Oro, translated by M. D. Cebrián de Miguel, and A. Correa Liro. Madrid: Alianza. [Reviewed by Jorge Velazco in Inter-American music review 14/2 (1995): 83–84.]
__________ 1994a. “American tribal music at contact,” Inter-American music review 14/1: 1–28.
__________ 1994b. “Ethnomusicological impulses in the Baroque villancico,” Inter-American music review 14/1: 67–106.
__________ 1995. “Musical silhouettes drawn by José Martí [including a score by Espadero],” Inter-American music review 14/2: 21–37.
__________ 1996. “Reflexiones sobre el concepto de música precortesiana en México,” Heterofonía 114/115: 25–37.
Tello, Aurelio 1990. Archivo musical de la Catedral de Oaxaca: Catálogo. México: Centro Nacional de Investigación, Documentación e Información Musical “Carlos Chávez” (CENIDIM) [includes musical incipits].
Tello, Aurelio, editor 1996. Archivo musical de la Catedral de Oaxaca. Misas de Manuel de Sumaya. México: Centro Nacional de Investigación, Documentación e Información Musical “Carlos Chávez” (CENIDIM)—Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes [Tesoro de la música polifónica en México, VIII].
Ternaux-Compans, Henri 1840. Voyages, relations et mémoires originaux pour servir à l’histoire de la découverte de l’Amérique. Paris: A. Bertrand, vol. XVI.
Thompson, Donald 1989. “Music in Puerto Rican public ceremony: Fiestas reales, fiestas patronales, ferias, and exposiciones. A chronological list of official reports and similar documents, 1746–1897,” Inter-American music review 10/2:135–41.
Tomlinson, Gary A. 1995. “Ideologies of Aztec song,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 48/3: 343–79.
Valladares, Clarival do Prado 1982. Nordeste histórico e monumental. Salvador, Brasil: Odebrecht.
Veiga, Manuel Vicente Ribeiro 1981. Toward a Brazilian ethnomusicology: Amerindian phases (PhD diss., Musicology: University of California at Los Angeles).
Waisman, Leonardo Julio 1992. “Los ‘Salve Regina’ del Archivo Musical de Chiquitos: Una prueba piloto para la exploración del repertorio,” Revista del Instituto de Investigación Musicológica “Carlos Vega” (Buenos Aires) 12: 601–87.
Mestres do barroco mineiro (Século XVIII), 2 LPs, recorded by the Coro da Associação de Canto Coral do Rio de Janeiro, conducted by Cleofe Person de Mattos, and the Orquesta Sinfónica Brasileira conducted by Edoardo de Guarnieri, liner notes by Edino Krieger. Philips Stereo 6747 314 (1958). [Comprises music by José Joaquim Emérico Lôbo de Mesquita and other late 18th-century Mineiros (discovered by Francisco Curt Lange).]
Salve Regina: Choral music of the Spanish New World 1550–1750, performed by the Roger Wagner Chorale conducted by Roger Wagner. Los Angeles, Angel Records S 36008 (1966). Reissued in 1985 by the UCLA Latin American Center as Eldorado Records 5. [One of the best-produced general anthologies of colonial Spanish American music.]
Domenico Zipoli. La obra completa para órgano, performed by Mario Videla. Buenos Aires, FONEMA, Qualiton SQI-4033 (1973).
Música en la casa del Marqués de Sobremonte, recorded in Córdoba (Argentina), Museo Histórico, by the Chamber Choir of Córdoba conducted by César Ferreyra, the Ensemble of Early Instruments of the Goethe Institute, Córdoba, and Mario Videla, organ. Qualiton SQI-4031 (1973).
Música colonial latinoamericana, performed by the Chorus of the Ars musicalis Foundation and Chamber Orchestra conducted by Father Jesús G. Segade, recorded in the Metropolitan Cathedral of Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires, FONEMA, Qualiton SQI-4038 (1973).
Chevalier de Saint-Georges, performed by the London Symphony Orchestra conducted by Paul Freeman, the Juilliard Quartet, and other artists. Black composers series, I. Columbia M 32781 (1974, reissued 1987). [This recording illustrates the works of Joseph Boulogne, Chevalier de Saint-Georges.]
Música virreinal mexicana, performed by the Orquesta de Cámara of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM), conducted by Luis Herrera de la Fuente. México, Voz Viva de México, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (1974). [It contains Jesús Estrada’s transcriptions of Hernando Franco, Manuel de Zumaya, and Ignacio Jerusalem selections.]
Festival of Early Latin American Music, performed by the Roger Wagner Chorale and Sinfonia Chamber Orchestra conducted by Roger Wagner. Liner notes by Robert Stevenson. Los Angeles, Eldorado Records 1 [UCLA Latin American Center] (1975). [One of five best-produced general anthologies of colonial Spanish American music.]
Blanco y negro. Hispanic songs of the Renaissance from the Old and New Worlds. Ancient Consort Singers directed by John Alexander. Klavier Records KS 540 (1975).
Tablatura mexicana del siglo XVIII para guitarra barroca, performed by Miguel Alcázar. Antología de la guitarra clásica, 3. Angel SAM 35029 (1975). [It contains items from the 18th-century MS 1560 in the Biblioteca Nacional de México.]
Música en la Catedral de Lima. Buenos Aires, FONEMA, Qualiton SQI-4068 (1976). This recording joins two anthologies of Peruvian music recorded in Lima to illustrate the colonial Peruvian repertoire. These are Música peruana de los siglos XVII y XVIII (Discos Sono Radio SE 9376); and Música sacra de la época colonial en el Perú (Virrey DVS 738-stereo), both performed by the Coro de Cámara de la Asociación “Jueves,” directed by Arndt von Gavel.
Latin American musical treasures from the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, recorded by the Roger Wagner Chorale and Sinfonia Chamber Orchestra, conducted by Roger Wagner. Los Angeles, Eldorado Records 2 [UCLA Latin American Center] (1977). [One of five best-produced general anthologies of colonial Spanish American music. It includes the aria from Caetano de Mellos Jesus’s 1759 cantata, performed by Mary Rawcliffe.]
Renaissance choral music from Mexico, performed by the Collegium Musicum of Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, conducted by John Boe. New York, Musical Heritage Society Records MHS 3718 (1978).
José Maurício 1830–1980: Album comemorativo, 2 LPs, reedição comemorativa do sesquicentenário mauriciano, em apoio ao “Projeto José Maurício” da Funarte e Instituto Nacional da Música, Marlos Nobre, musical supervision. EMI-ODEON 31C 151 422135-6 (1980). Includes seven complete works and the Kyrie e fugato da Missa de 8 de Dezembro. Other albums of music by José Maurício Nunes Garcia (1767–1830) make him one of the most recorded colonial composers: Requiem Mass, Helsinki Philharmonic Orchestra with chorus and soloists directed by Paul Freeman (Columbia M 33431, Black composers series, 5); Missa pastoril para a Noite de Natal, Orquestra e Coro da Associação de Canto Coral do Rio de Janeiro (Cleofe Person de Mattos), directed by Francisco Mignone with guest artists, same recording as in 1980, Album comemorativo (Angel 3 CBX 262); Missa de Requiem—1816, Coro da Associação de Canto Coral and Orquestra do Teatro Municipal, conducted by Edoardo de Guarnieri (Festa LDR 5012). The Lauda Sion Salvatorem for four soloists, mixed chorus, and orchestra, composed in 1809, is recorded in Festival of early Latin American music, Eldorado 1 (1975).
Baroque music in Mexico, performed by the A Cappella Choir of UCLA conducted by Roger Wagner. Los Angeles, Eldorado Records 3 [UCLA Latin American Center] (1983).
Baroque music in South America, performed by the UCLA A Cappella Choir, Roger Wagner, director. Los Angeles, Eldorado Records 4 [UCLA Latin american Center] (1983).
Masterpieces of Mexican polyphony, Westminster Cathedral Choir, under the direction of James O’Donnell. London, Hyperion Records, K A66330 (1990).
Manuel de Sumaya (1679/1680–1755), works in the Archivo Musical, Oaxaca Cathedral, transcribed by Aurelio Tello. Performed by the Capilla Virreinal de la Nueva España conducted by Aurelio Tello. Recording sponsored by the ‘Fondo INBA-SACM’ through the Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes (INBA) and the Sociedad de Autores y compostiroes de Música, México (1990).
Mexican Baroque. Performed by Chanticleer, Louis Botto, director. Teldec Classics International 4509-963 53-2 (1994).
Música na côrte brasileira. Angel 3 CBX 410-14. [Provides a survey of Brazilian music history up to 1900.]
Música Sud-Americana do século XVIII. Chanticleer, CMG 1030. [This album contains Caetano de Mello Jesus’s 1759 cantata, recorded by Olga Maria Schroeter and the Orquestra de Câmara de São Paulo, Olivier Toni conducting.]
Recorded Ex. 1: Salve Regina a 5 in the extant 204-page Bogotá Cathedral Choirbook with compositions by Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo, transcribed by Robert Stevenson (1985b: 39–42). The polyphonic setting of the first two verses of the Marian antiphon (Vita dulcedo and Ad te suspiramos) are by Gutierre Fernández Hidalgo; the two further verses (Et Jesum and O clemens) are the tertia and quarta partes of the 6-voice Salve by Tomás Luis de Victoria published in 1572 (see Felipe Pedrell’s Opera omnia, VIII: 116–19) (Stevenson 1970b: 14). Recorded by the Roger Wagner Chorale, conducted by Roger Wagner, Festival of early Latin American music, Eldorado Records 1, UCLA Latin American Center (1975).
Recorded Ex. 2: Eso rigor e repente, Guineo a 5 by Gaspar Fernandes, folios 243v–244 in a 284-folio codex at Oaxaca Cathedral containing Fernandes’ vernacular compositions dated between 1609 and 1620. Transcribed by Robert Stevenson (1968a: 490–93; and1985b: 11–13). Festival of early Latin American Music, Roger Wagner Chorale, conducted by Roger Wagner (Jeannine Wagner, soprano; Nancy O’Brien, alto; Craig Bourne, tenor; Anthony Katics, baritone). Eldorado Records 1, UCLA Latin American Center (1975).
Recorded Ex. 3: Los coflades de la estleya, Christmas villancico a 6 by Juan de Araujo, transcribed by Robert Stevenson (1960: 236–49; and 1985a: 37–45). Baroque music in South America, UCLA A Capella choir conducted by Roger Wagner. Eldorado Records 4, UCLA Latin American Center (1987).